speaking out against Aung San Suu Kyi covering up Rohingya genocide, The Guildhall protest against "Freedom of the City Award", London, 8 May 2017

At the London School of Economic "Rule of Law Roundtable", 16 June 2012

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Drafting the Oslo Communique calling for the end to Myanmar's Rohingya Genocide, Voksanaasen, Oslo, 27 May 2015

Giving the Annual Owen M. Kupferschmid Lecture at the Holocaust and Human Rights Project, Boston College Law School, 13 Apr 2015

Anti-Semitism and White Racism are as American as Apple Pie

Anti-Semitism and White Racism are as American as Apple Pie




Myanmar Must Nurture Its People as Assets, Not Treat Them as ‘Threats’

By Maung Zarni
The Wire
July 14, 2017

In Myanmar’s waves of racial and religious violence, how many promising individuals have been killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed?

A boy sits in a burnt area after fire destroyed shelters at a camp for internally displaced Rohingya Muslims in the western Rakhine State near Sittwe, Myanmar May 3, 2016. Credit: REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of Myanmar’s defence services, is currently on a goodwill visit to India at the invitation of navy chief Admiral Sunil Lanba, visiting places of military interest, meeting with Myanmar military officers enrolled in post-graduate programs at Purnea, and learning about the capacity and hardware used by the Indian Armed Forces at Ahmednagar.

The Burmese general would do well to soak in the teachings of Gautam Buddha, Ashoka, Rabindranath Tagore and Gandhiji, who propagated ideals of reconciliation, peace and universal loving kindness, while touring the military facilities and meeting with India’s modern warriors.

After all, despite it being home to one of the world’s longest civil wars and political strife, the Burmese general’s society still has the potential for reconciliation and peace among the warring parties. Hlaing knows this in his heart.

On June 30 in Yangon, something extraordinary happened that lifted the spirit of Myanmar’s people – the generals, National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters, political exiles, journalists and the multi-ethnic population at large.

Mixed martial arts (MMA) fighter Aung La Nsang made history by becoming the Myanmar’s first-ever world champion in any sport. Three judges unanimously declared him the winner in the nationally televised match against the defending middleweight champion Vitaly Bigdash from Russia.

Following Nsang’s victory at Thuwunna stadium, another extraordinary thing happened. Hlaing issued an official statement of congratulations, saying the ethnic Kachin fighter embodied the indomitable spirit of Myanmar and was the pride of the nation.

Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing (left), Myanmar’s commander-in-chief, shakes hands with National League for Democracy (NLD) party leader Aung San Suu Kyi before their meeting in Hlaing’s office at Naypyitaw on Dec 2, 2015. Credit: Reuters

Nsang was invited to the defence ministry and presented with a cash award as a token of appreciation and recognition by representatives of all three branches of Myanmar’s armed forces.

As an ethnic Burmese on the other end of the political spectrum from the Tatmadaw’s leaders, I uncharacteristically welcomed the military’s gesture towards Nsang as symbolically and psychologically significant. I celebrated what I saw as a son of Myanmar making the entire nation proud. A nation that has for so long been fractured along ethnic and religious lines.

While the country’s Aung San Suu Kyi-led, military-backed peace process is running aground, and the UN Human Rights Council bangs on the country’s door to allow a fact-finding mission to visit its conflict zones, the emergence of a world champion is an very rare moment of jubilation. But as a son of Myanmar myself, I can’t help but ask a painful question: in our long-running civil wars and waves of racial and religious violence, how many Nsangs have we killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed?

Nsang is no ordinary fighter. In earlier wins outside of Myanmar, Nsang wrapped himself in the flag of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and publicly expressed his desire for peace in his war-torn birthplace, Kachin State.

On Saturday, the South China Morning Post quoted the new champion as saying, “I hope to be an inspiration to the people of Myanmar. This is for them…. It feels like I am very blessed and hopefully I can bring blessings to other people as well.”

I am inspired by this to suspend the scepticism of my intellect, born out of nearly 30 years of political involvement in Burmese affairs as a grassroots activist, hoping that such a nationwide moment of pride may awaken our own better selves, along with a realisation that we are bound as those who “drink the same water and live on the same land”. This bond may have been damaged by decades of war and political strife, but it certainly is not dead.

War, danger and strife

Almost 250 years after the founding – on ethnic Mon land, no less – of Myanmar’s former capital of Yangon, whose name means “end of war, danger and strife,” the country’s conflicts have multiplied, expanded and deepened. This is largely thanks to misguided political decisions that, in turn, compound the violence and suffering we have inherited.

The result is the ongoing displacement of communities, so much so that Myanmar is now ranked eighth in the world in its outflow of refugees. The number of forced migrants, according to the recently released UN Global Trends report, topped 490,000 at the end of 2016.

Aung La Nsang. Credit: Youtube

This increase is mainly due to the large numbers of Muslim Rohingya refugees fleeing the western region of Rakhine or Arakan to Bangladesh. Here, a 50-year-old strategy aimed at controlling and managing cross-border migration among Rohingya Muslims of Northern Rakhine, has degenerated into one of widespread concern for sustained atrocities.

In the Shan and Kachin highlands, the breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the KIO and Myanmar’s former government led by Thein Sein has had a devastating impact on the country’s commercial and political transformation, as well as on the many different ethnic communities that live in the strategic Sino-Burmese borderlands.

In society at large, Islamophobia, dating back to the colonial era, and violent anti-Rohingya racism have poisoned the minds of a generally acquiescing and decent public.

In addition to this, the military’s arrest of Burmese journalists from the Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma, and the NLD government’s dismissal of the outrage over media freedom as “low priority”, marks a re-emergence of hostilities between the country’s ruling institutions and the press – a crucial pillar of civil society.

While blame and responsibilities may be apportioned, Myanmar now needs to take a deep, collective breath as a multi-ethnic nation so that we may regain our common moral sense of what is in the nation’s long-term best interests.

A cathartic moment

While our shared sentiments of jubilation over Nsang’s supreme victory are still fresh, people from Myanmar who care about the well-being and future of our birthplace must honestly and critically reflect on the futility of continuing conflicts over claims and counter-claims of our contributions, histories, territories, revenues, resources and entitlements.

Myanmar is blessed with trillions of dollars worth of natural resources, both above and below ground, tapped and untapped. But more importantly, Myanmar’s people are its greatest asset, its most potent creative energy. Our strength in unity as an incredibly diverse ethnic community has been damaged, and even destroyed, with each passing year of unresolved conflict.

Having worked intimately and transparently with Burmese military leaders, I know that there are members of the Tatmadaw who are keen to push for a more representative government in Myanmar. Despite differences of opinion on how to go about instituting such a government, we share a common desire for a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Union of Myanmar.

A young colonel, who is now a four-star general in the commander-in-chief’s office, asked me ten years ago: “Do you think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the only person among us who can bring about democratisation in our country?” He didn’t mean it rhetorically and was keen to know my honest answer.

My response then was “no”. And it remains unequivocally so.

Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi waves to supporters before giving a speech during her campaign in her constituency of Kawhmu township outside Yangon September 21, 2015. Credit: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun

But neither the military nor NLD leaders can expect to succeed in their one-year-old joint effort at facilitating a democratic transition without the inspired participation of the public. Nor can these powerful military figures and popular political parties accomplish their stated objectives of defending and developing a multi-ethnic Myanmar until and unless there is a fundamental shift in their mindsets.

Sometimes a national tragedy or a moment of collective jubilation can serve as a cathartic moment, from which springs a nation’s revival, renewal and reconciliation. Again as a Burmese whose family has over three generations had organic ties with the military, I hope that Nsang’s world championship may turn out to be one such moment for our country.

Nurture, rather than destroy

Leaders from both the NLD and the military must see in every person who calls Myanmar their birthplace a potential Nsang, an embodiment of pride for our multi-ethnic nation, an asset to our national defence and a building block for our development.

Myanmar are blessed with many Nsangs in various fields such as journalism, civil society development, human rights promotion, minority rights protection, as well as in the creative domains of art and literature, science and technology, medicine and engineering, agriculture and forestry, interfaith harmony and peace-building, environmental protection and scholarship.

Internationally, many of Myanmar’s distinguished sons and daughters have – as refugees, expatriates, and exiles – worked in “world class” institutions or independently.

Myanmar does not need to wait for a new generation of citizens to emerge. The country’s leaders need to realise and appreciate the potentially invaluable contributions that the yet-to-be recognised Nsangs could make towards peace, security, development and harmony.

Militaries, political parties, religious organisations and virtually all communities have made mistakes – some grave and consequential. No nation or national institution is complete, finished or beyond redemption. Therefore, it is not too late for the Myanmar community to turn the land we love into one that nurtures rather than destroys future Nsangs, irrespective of differences in migratory histories, faiths or opinions.

Wouldn’t it be wonderful if all Burmese citizens could be brought together into a national programme in which they were encouraged to share their opinions and expertise, publicly and privately, towards the shared goal of building a true democratic Union of Myanmar?

​As evidenced in Britain’s Brexit and Trump’s America, racism and prejudice divides and weakens nations. Myanmar must overcome the weight of its past, and embrace a reality where every one – soldier and civilian, majority and minority, Buddhist, Christian and Muslim – sees our individual achievements celebrated as those of one nation.​

Maung Zarni is a Burmese human rights activist and scholar who has been involved in his country’s affairs for nearly 30 years. He blogs at www.maungzarni.net

Is Irrawaddy News Group Leading the Genocide Propaganda?

Myanmar Groups whipping up Genocidal Racism Against Rohingyas (& Muslims).

Irrawaddy News Group has joined the likes of ex-Chief of Military Intelligence, Wirathu, & Rakhine Racist Groups.

First with this outrageously racist cartoon (the first image), May 2016.

 



See the story about this cartoon at this link below:

https://asiancorrespondent.com/2016/05/offensive-boat-people-magazine-cartoon-slammed-rohingya-activist-dangerous/#BTkKWItD9rjWm279.97

Today with another cartoon (the second image), illustrating what is officially characterised as "My,anmar's Western Gate Problem", the title of the Burmese language book published by ex-General and ex-Spy chief Khin Nyunt last year (the third image).




On 13 July 2017, in his half-hour interview with ex-Information Minister ex-Colonel Ye Htut, Aung Zaw, Managing Editor and Founder of Irrawaddy, repeatedly drove home a very clear message that Burma is now under the real threat of Jihadist attacks (by Rohingyas) in Western Burma. 

See the video here: 



The Rakhine Race Defence Group published the Burmese language book in 2012 (the fourth image & fifth image).





The last image the book cover of a booklet - "Fearing that our Race and Faith Will Disappear" - which is part of the Burmese language series which was, I suspect, published by the Burma Army Psychological Warfare Department & the Religious Affairs Department. (Reuters has documented the direct involvement of the senior most military leaders in systematically promoting anti-Muslim hatred and racism since early 1990's - since the days of the late Senior General Saw Maung). 



All these are not necessarily coordinated, but spring from the more or less same source of anti-Muslim racism, genocidal view towards Rohingyas, etc. 

Among this diverse group of influential racists are ex-General Khin Nyunt, Ne Win's grandsons, Ma Ba Tha, Sitagu, Wirathu, Irrawaddy News Group, the late Nay Win Maung's The Voice, Than Tun Aung's Eleven News Group, the military's Psychological Warfare Division (Department of People's Relations, officially named), Religious Affairs Ministry (formerly Religious Affairs Department under Home Affairs), Thein Sein Administration, Rakhine nationalists, etc. 

These Myanmar hate- and racism-promoters do not necessarily form a single cohesive group, nor do they share common aims, logic, interests or methods. 

But the psychological impact of their work on the Burmese society at large is profoundly devastating: the society is soaked in racist poison - Islamophobia in general and genocidal strain of racism towards Rohingya. 

This genocidal propaganda targeted at the Rohingya is going to have the irreversible impact on religious relations within the society at large.

Myanmar Muslim communities scattered all throughout Burma too will become a subject of violence, both by state institutions and tradition-bound, gullible Buddhist communities. 

None of this augurs well for the promotion of either human rights or democracy. 

Ultimately, the Buddhist society itself will pay the price for their participating in this racist, hate-campaign against the most vulnerable communities - not just the Rohingyas but other Muslims as well. 

We might as well forget about civil liberties, press freedom, human rights or democratisation - if and when a Jihad is ever waged against Myanmar. The military will gleefully suspend or drastically curtail any of these freedoms and rights in the name of "national security". The military will be the real and ultimate winner - if and when a Jihad materialises. Threats to public security are typically used to justify suspending freedoms and human rights - even in countries with very well-established traditions of liberalism. US and UK spring to mind.

Mark my words: Burma has not seen the worst yet. 

We are well on its way to be a fully genocidal country, in due course. 

(Unless you think democracy, human rights and economic development are conceivable when the country sleepwalks into a full-blown genocide it is in everyone's interest to try to stop this madness.)

Myanmar's Persecution of Rohingyas as a group is BOTH ethnic cleansing and a genocide. Here is why, and how


Why Myanmar's persecution is BOTH ETHNIC CLEANSING AND AN ACT/PROCESS OF GENOCIDE

What we have been witnessing in Myanmar's nearly 40-years of mistreatment - an understatement - parallels more with the Bosnian case (Srebrenica is only the most infamous incident of direct killing of about 5000 Muslim men), which was both ethnic cleansing and a genocide.

(As a matter of fact, Turkey's Armenian genocide may be the first in the modern recorded history of genocide. The Turks used forced eviction and forced marches of Christian Armenians scapegoated for the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and seen as the local proxies for the Christian imperial West - like Rohingyas as "proxy terrorists" for foreign Islamicist movements funded by Saudi and others. 

When the Armenian death rates - from marching across the Kurdish desert - were deemed disappointing or did not meet the anticipated result, that is, too many Armenians were not dropping dead fast enough for the Turkish perpetrators, the Young Turks switched to machine-gunning them down in the desert. 

Here is the Burmese parallel: 

If the Burmese borders are closed off or out-migratory routes are tightly controlled for the Rohingya as a group to escape the deliberately created miserable conditions - and if the perpetrating Myanmar government does NOT make a plan to ship the Rohingyas out then the only predictable outcome is slow death of Rohingyas - 80,5000 children included - as the direct result of this food deprivation.

In that case of "trapped population of Rohingya" dying, the gov's INTENT can be established as GENOCIDAL.

Read a proper LEGAL reasoning here by someone who is legally fully qualified on this:


Some of us have maintained, based on the mounting evidence, historical and contemporary - consistently that the genocidal intent has been present from the get-go, that is, from the moment the Burmese military leaders decided that the Rohingya population - not just a few individuals with militant views - pose a threat to Burma's national security as early as Feb 1978 - of the infamous Nagamin (King Dragon) Operation, centrally planned from Rangoon, with 200 interagency-operatives executing the plan to drive out the targeted Rohingya GROUP as such (from Religious Affairs, Customs, Immigration, General Administration Department, police intelligence, justice department, military intelligence and infantry and naval units of the Ministry of Defence). 

Like KKK in the American South who were part of Southern States' admin, justice and law enforcement agencies, local Rakhines overwhelmingly make up local security and admin units in Rakhine state. This is THE INTERFACE between communal aspect AND state centrality in attempts to drive out Rohingyas - AND destroy those who cannot run. 

ZARNI 

==============================

"Many are concerned that the food shortages are purposeful in an attempt to weaken the Rohingya populace by cutting food supplies to the divisive area. Roberts added that the foundation of the issue stemmed from a desire to rid the location of ethnic Rohingya.

"At the core of this whole situation is the reality that the Burma government and military want the Rohingya to go somewhere else, and they are prepared to make their lives as miserable as possible to accomplish that,” he (Phil Robertson of HRW-Asia) said, alluding to the need for humanitarian aid in the region." 

Starvation hits Burma’s Rakhine state as food supplies dwindle

By Caleb Quinley
July 9, 2017


A girl wears thanakha powder on her face in a Rohingya refugee camp outside Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state, Burma, May 17, 2017. Source: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun

SEVERE food shortages are intensifying an already insecure and vulnerable part of Burma (Myanmar), leading to a worsening humanitarian plight for its predominantly Rohingya population.

According to a new report by World Food Program (WFP), starvation, malnutrition, and a desperate lack of access to food is plaguing the restive Rakhine State. The current food vacuum has left over 225,000 in search for a diminishing amount of food that is left.

The heavy food shortage is taking place in Rakhine State’s northern Maungdaw and Buthiduang, locations known for bursts of violence, driven by a tumultuous ethnic tension that has proven unstable. The zone is heavily controlled by the presence of an authoritarian security force, Tatmadaw, known for restricting and persecuting the 90 percent majority populace of ethnic Rohingya.

Famine is an exasperating new element in the region, a component that will undoubtedly affect the social crisis that already afflicts the area.

While many complex variables affect the location in terms of poverty, it is clear what has led up to the current hunger crisis.

Without the freedom to move throughout the area, thousands of Rohingya are left unable to find sustainable means of work to provide for themselves and their families.

A boy sleeps in a hammock inside a Rohingya refugee camp outside Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state, Burma, May 17, 2017. Source: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun

Phil Robertson, Deputy Asia Director at Human Rights Watch added insight into the developing issue, telling Asian Correspondent:

“The biggest issue is that the Rohingya are locked down by severe restrictions on their right to movement.

“If they cannot leave their village without permission, and face numerous security roadblocks where police abuse their rights and extort them, they have little opportunity to earn a livelihood, farm fish, collect firewood, or undertake other activities that would enable them to have some degree of food sufficiency.”

WFP has found that Maungdaw is ranked as one of the worst locations in terms of food security in Burma. The study found that close to two-thirds of households in the township are not able to acquire an adequate amount of food to sustain a proper diet.

More so, limited access to essential services such as healthcare, and an inability to access potable water and sanitation, have also exacerbated the state of the hunger crisis.

Around a month before the survey was conducted across Maungdaw, locals admitted they faced even worse food depletion that caused severe hunger, with most survey respondents going over a day and night without food during the time period.

Tragically, children are at the most risk of life threatening outcomes from a dangerously inadequate diet. For obvious health and growth reasons, food insecurities are much more harmful for children—who in the area are now at threat of severe malnutrition.

The study found that every single child surveyed experienced an inadequate diet, raising the number of malnourished children to approximately 80,500.

Many are concerned that the food shortages are purposeful in an attempt to weaken the Rohingya populace by cutting food supplies to the divisive area. Robertson added that the foundation of the issue stemmed from a desire to rid the location of ethnic Rohingya.

“At the core of this whole situation is the reality that the Burma government and military want the Rohingya to go somewhere else, and they are prepared to make their lives as miserable as possible to accomplish that,” he said, alluding to the need for humanitarian aid in the region.

“This is why there needs to be an impartial, independent investigation of abuses, like that authorised by the UN Human Rights Council in the form of the fact-finding commission, which Aung Sang Suu Kyi and her government are now blocking from entering Burma.”

Since the violent crackdown last October, the Burmese army has made life even more difficult for the close to one million Rohingya living in Rakhine.

Immediately following the clampdown, thousands of Rohingya fled to neighbouring Bangladesh in hopes of escaping the violent realities that were occurring to their neighbours, friends, and families in Rakhine state.

Since then, newly-appointed Burma leader Suu Kyi has for the most part remained quiet or impartial regarding the gradual, yet steady abuse of rights to the Rohingya populace in the Maungdaw area.

In interviews, she has dodged acknowledging the many rights abuses that have, and are still taking place inside Maungdaw.

For years, the Rohingya have become subject to varying degrees of suffering, from being denied citizenship, to freedom of movement, to rape and murder on a scale that many claim is genocidal in scope.

As the situation continues to devolve, with 225,000 that are in an imperative need for humanitarian assistance, the pinnacle of concern falls on children under five.

As according to the report, this young age group is at the most danger of severe malnutrition and hunger leading to dire consequence.

Robertson underlined this fact precisely, highlighting the life saving need for international aid.

“International humanitarian agencies need to be provided with unfettered access to all areas of northern Rakhine state to do what they do – provide food and services to keep people alive. The Burmese military and government need to step aside and let the professionals do what they do, and save lives.”

Newly-minted world champ Aung La N Sang hopes to unite Myanmar through martial arts

Aung La N Sang after his championship victory in Yangon on June 30. Photo: ONE Championship

By Maung Zarni
July 5, 2017

Burmese dissident Maung Zarni tells the inspirational story of his fellow countryman, who is fighting to unite the nation

It is instinctive for people to look for someone to idolize, look up to, and imitate. Someone from whom they draw strength and inspiration from, to go on with their lives toward where they want to go and who they want to be.

Aung La N Sang might be an ordinary mixed martial arts (MMA) fighter in the eyes of many people in the world, but he is absolutely adored by over 51 million Burmese people as a hero in his motherland.

The whole country stands still each time Aung La steps inside the ONE Championship cage.

Aung La’s superstar status has been covered in every mainstream newspaper in Myanmar. He has been a regular staple on each household’s television screen.

On the day of his fight, all walks of life unite in support of Aung La, which he often rewards with a sweet victory.

During his battles inside the cage, Aung La says his countrymen are a source of strength and inspiration to win every match.

“I feel very honored to be able to represent my people. They love the sport. I am very surprised at how much support I get from the people. They are my inspiration every time I compete,” Aung La said.

“Myanmar is my mother. It’s the country that made me who I am today. I will try my best to be a positive role model to everyone. There is no greater feeling than performing for all of my people. I am truly honored for this opportunity,” he added.

Since he became the first Burmese MMA athlete to win a world title, Aung La’s name will never be forgotten.

With a full training camp behind him and the roar of a raucous hometown crowd cheering on his every move, “the Burmese Python” finally accomplished what he set out to do, defeating Russian rival Vitaly Bigdash to become the new ONE Middleweight World Champion.

Aung La edged Bigdash by way of unanimous decision in their rematch at ONE: LIGHT OF A NATION, which took place at the sold-out Thuwunna Indoor Stadium in Yangon, Myanmar, last Friday, June 30.

Aung La N Sang fights Vitaly Bigdash in Yangon on June 30. Photo: ONE Championship

The 32-year-old Myanmar national hero lost to Bigdash in January, but he managed to exact his revenge by blemishing his opponent’s undefeated streak, leaving Bigdash with a 9-1.

With tears streaming from his eyes, Aung La stood at the center of the ONE Championship cage, basking in the adulation poured upon him by a loving Yangon crowd chanting his name.

While the coveted belt is draped over his shoulder, the newly-minted ONE Middleweight World Champion shared his victory with his countrymen and women: “Myanmar, how does it sound to have a world champion?”

“I cannot do this without God. I cannot do this without my teammates. I cannot do this without you, Myanmar. I’m not talented. I’m not fast. But with you, I have courage, I have strength, and now I’ve won the world title,” Aung La said. “The fans helped me reach this victory. I wanted to give them and to give this country a world champion.”

As his popularity and commercial clout have grown in tandem with his rise in the MMA ranks, Aung La has stressed that he wants his fame and his success in the cage to help unify and inspire the people of Myanmar.

“I hope to be an inspiration to the people of Myanmar. This is for them. It feels like I am very blessed, and hopefully, I can bring blessings to other people as well,” he said.

The victory makes him the first Myanmar national to win a major MMA world title, and more broadly, the most successful individual Myanmar athlete on the international stage.

More than three quarters of a million people witnessed the action-packed encounter live online, with many more watching on television or gathering at local beer stations, plus casual MMA fans tuning in from 118 countries around the world.

Aung La N Sang visits his hometown. Photo: Facebook / Aung La N Sang

In Myitkyina, the Kachin State capital where Aung La was born, hundreds of refugees at the Mai Na IDP camp clustered around a projector screen to see him fight.

After he was declared the winner, the entire camp erupted into jubilation as Aung La got the job done against Bigdash.

“This is where my heart lives and has stayed. I will always be home in Myanmar. They have embraced me just as I have embraced my roots. Myanmar will always be home to me. The time I spent growing up here is what makes me the man I am today, and for that, I’ll always be grateful,” Aung La said.

Victor Cui, ONE Championship’s CEO, stressed that Aung La’s achievement represents a foothold for MMA in Myanmar, as it is the company’s strategy to build local, homegrown Asian martial arts heroes from the grassroots level.

“Aung La N Sang commands a superstar presence in Yangon. The people just adore him. Whenever Aung La shows up anywhere in Myanmar, expect a massive throng of passionate fans. It’s actually incredible to witness. When he performs in Yangon, the cheers blow the roof off the stadium. In Yangon, Aung La is a bona fide superhero,” Cui said.

Aung La N Sang after a previous victory. Photo: Facebook / Aung La N Sang

“Since we have decided to focus on developing Myanmar, there is no doubt a sharp increase in MMA’s popularity in the country. Not just that, but traditional Let Wei practitioners as well. A lot of Myanmar’s top Let Wei competitors are now training in MMA, and it is such a wonderful feeling to have had an influence in that,” the CEO added.

Cui believes that the people of Myanmar have found a deeper meaning in Aung La’s illustrious prizefighting career.

“Aung La N Sang has single-handedly made MMA one of the most popular sports today in Myanmar. His presence just oozes with superstar quality, and the fans just love him. He represents what it means to be a true Burmese warrior. His backstory is compelling and completely relatable to fans in Myanmar,” he said.

Now a celebrated world champion in the constantly-evolving sport of MMA, Aung La stressed that the work to bring Myanmar into well-deserved prominence around the globe is not yet over.

The fighter said: “If I can inspire at least one person, one child, to know that anything is possible in this world, then I have done my job as a martial artist. Martial arts isn’t just about fighting. It’s about giving back to the world that has given you life. I’m doing this for my people, and when I fight for my people, nothing is ever difficult.”

Maung Zarni is an exiled Burmese human rights activist , educator and activist with nearly 30-years of deep involvement in Burma’s affairs. He blogs at www.maungzarni.net He can be reached at fanon2005@gmail.com.

Myanmar leaders must nurture the country’s many potential ‘Aung La Nsangs’

Aung La Nsang after his championship victory Friday night. Photo: ONE Championship

By Maung Zarni
July 3, 2017

In our long-running civil wars and waves of racial and religious violence, how many Aung La Nsangs have we killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed?

On Friday, in Yangon, something extraordinary happened to lift the spirit of all Myanmar’s peoples—the generals, the cronies, the National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters, the political exiles, the journalists, and the multi-ethnic population at large.

Mixed martial arts fighter Aung La Nsang made history by becoming the first-ever world champion from Myanmar in any sport. Three judges unanimously declared him the winner in the nationally televised match against the defending ONE middleweight champion Vitaly Bigdash from Russia.

Following Nsang’s victory at Thuwunna Stadium, something else extraordinary happened. Myanmar army commander-in-chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing issued an official statement of congratulations, claiming the ethnic Kachin fighter embodies the indomitable spirit of Myanmar, the pride of the nation.

Nsang was invited to the Ministry of Defense and presented with a cash award as a token of appreciation and recognition by representatives of all three branches of the Myanmar armed forces—the army, navy, and the air force.

As an ethnic Burmese on the other end of the political spectrum from the Tatmadaw’s leaders, I uncharacteristically welcomed the military’s gesture towards Nsang as symbolically and psychologically significant. I celebrated what I saw as a son of Myanmar making the entire nation proud, one that has been so fractured along ethnic and religious lines, and for so long.

While the country’s Aung San Suu Kyi-led, military-backed peace process is running aground, and the United Nations Human Rights Council bangs on the country’s door to allow a fact-finding mission to visit conflict zones in Myanmar, the emergence of a world champion is an extremely rare moment of jubilation.

But as a son of Myanmar myself, I can’t help but ask a painful question: in our long-running civil wars and waves of racial and religious violence, how many Aung La Nsangs have we killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed?

The new MMA world champion Nsang is no ordinary fighter. In earlier wins outside of Myanmar, Nsang wrapped himself in the flag of the Kachin Independence Organization and publicly expressed his desire for peace in his war-torn birthplace of Kachin State.

On Saturday, the South China Morning Post quoted the new champion as saying: “I hope to be an inspiration to the people of Myanmar. This is for them…. It feels like I am very blessed, and hopefully I can bring blessings to other people as well.”

Hearing this, I am inspired to suspend my skepticism, which is born out of nearly 30 years of political involvement in Burmese affairs as a grassroots activist, hoping that such a nationwide moment of pride may awaken our own better selves, along with a realization that we are bound as those who “drink the same water and live on the same land.” This bond may have been damaged by decades of war and political strife, but it certainly is not dead.

War, danger, and strife

Almost 250 years after the founding—on ethnic Mon land, no less—of Myanmar’s former capital of Yangon, whose name means “end of war, danger and strife,” the country’s conflicts have multiplied, expanded, and deepened. This is largely thanks to misguided political decisions that compound the violence and suffering we have inherited.

The result is the ongoing displacement of communities, so much so that Myanmar is now ranked eighth in the world in its outflow of refugees. The number of forced migrants, according to the recently released United Nations Global Trends report, topped 490,000 at the end of 2016.

This increase is largely due to large numbers of Muslim Rohingya refugees fleeing the western region of Rakhine, or Arakan, to Bangladesh. Here, a 50-year-old strategy aimed at controlling and managing cross-border migration among Rohingya Muslims in Northern Rakhine has degenerated into one of widespread concern for sustained atrocities.

In the Shan and Kachin highlands, the breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the KIO and Myanmar’s former government led by President Thein Sein has had a devastating impact on the country’s commercial and political transformation, as well as on the many different ethnic communities that live in the strategic Sino-Burmese borderlands.

Within the society at large, Islamophobia dating back to the colonial era, and violent anti-Rohingya racism, have poisoned the minds of a generally acquiescing and decent public.

In addition to this, the military’s arrest of Burmese journalists from The Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma, and the NLD government’s dismissal of the outrage over media freedom as “low priority” marks a re-emergence of hostilities between the country’s ruling institutions and the press—a crucial pillar of civil society.

While blame and responsibility may be apportioned, Myanmar now needs to take a deep, collective breath as a multi-ethnic nation so that we may regain our common moral sense of what is in the nation’s long-term best interests.

A cathartic moment

While our shared sentiments of jubilation over last weekend’s supreme victory are still fresh, every one of us who cares about the well-being and future of our shared birthplace must honestly and critically reflect on the futility of continuing conflicts over claims and counter-claims of our contributions, histories, territories, revenues, resources, and entitlements.

Myanmar is blessed with trillions of dollars’ worth of natural resources, both above and below ground, tapped and untapped. But more importantly, Myanmar’s peoples are our greatest assets, our most potent creative energies. Our strength in unity as an incredibly diverse ethnic community has been damaged, and even destroyed, with each passing year of unresolved conflict.

Having worked intimately and transparently with Burmese military leaders, I do know that there are members of the Tatmadaw who are keen to push for a more representative government in our country. Despite our differences of opinion in how to go about instituting such a government, we share a common desire for a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Union of Myanmar.

A youngish colonel I knew, who is now a four-star general in the Commander-in-Chief’s office, asked me ten years ago: “Do you think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the only person among us who can bring about democratization in our country?” He didn’t mean it rhetorically, and was keen to know my honest answer.

My response then was: “No.” It remains unequivocally so.

But neither the military nor the NLD leaders can expect to succeed in their one-year-old joint efforts at facilitating a democratic transition without the inspired participation of the public. Nor can these powerful military figures and popular political parties accomplish their stated objectives of defending and developing a multi-ethnic Myanmar until and unless there is a fundamental shift in their mindsets.

Sometimes a national tragedy or a moment of collective jubilation can serve as a cathartic moment from which springs a nation’s revival, renewal, and reconciliation. Again as a Burmese whose family has, over three generations, had organic ties with the military, I am hoping that Aung La Nsang’s world championship may turn out to be one such moment for our country.

Nurture, rather than destroy

Leaders from both the NLD and the military must see in every person who calls Myanmar their birthplace a potential Aung La Nsang, an embodiment of pride for our multi-ethnic nation, an asset to our national defense, and a building block for our development.

We are, in fact, blessed with many Aung La Nsangs in the various fields of journalism, civil society development, human rights promotion, minority rights protection, as well as in the creative domains of art and literature, and in science and technology, medicine and engineering, agriculture and forestry, interfaith harmony and peace-building, environmental protection, and scholarship.

Internationally, many of Myanmar’s distinguished sons and daughters have—as refugees, expatriates, and exiles—worked in “world class” institutions or independently.

Myanmar does not need to wait for a new generation of citizens to emerge. The country’s leaders just need to realize and appreciate the potentially invaluable contributions that the as yet unrecognized Aung La Nsangs could make towards peace, security, development and harmony.

Militaries, political parties, religious organizations, and virtually all communities have made mistakes, some grave and consequential. No nation or national institution is complete, finished, or beyond redemption. Therefore, it is not too late for us as a Myanmar community to turn the land we love into one that nurtures, rather than destroys, future Aung La Nsangs, irrespective of our differences in migratory histories, faiths, or opinions.

Wouldn’t it be wonderful if our fellow citizens could be brought together into a national program in which they were encouraged to share their opinions and expertise, publicly and privately, toward the shared goal of building a true democratic Union of Myanmar?

​As evidenced in Brexit Britain and Donald Trump’s America, racism and prejudice divide and weaken nations. Let us overcome the weight of our past and embrace a reality where every one of us—soldier and civilian, majority and minority, Buddhist and Christian and Muslim—sees our individual achievements celebrated as those of one nation.

Maung Zarni is an exiled Burmese human rights activist , educator and activist with nearly 30-years of deep involvement in Burma’s affairs. He blogs at www.maungzarni.net He can be reached at fanon2005@gmail.com.

Myanmar to Humanitarian Groups: THOU SHALL NOT FEED THE MUSLIMS - without Gov knowledge & monitor

THOU SHALL NOT FEED THE MUSLIMS - without approval from NLD-Gov (and police). 

All food supplies to Muslims in Meikhtila and Ramadan month food donations must be distributed - ONLY UNDER THE MONITORING MECHANISMS AND WITH THE PRIOR KNOWLEDGE of local authorities

Mandalay Division - run by the ex-political prisoner Dr Zaw Myint Maung - issued an order which was in turn passed on by Meikhtila Township Administration.

Here is the local relay directive released by Meikhtila Township Office, dated 24 June 2017. quoting 22 June-directive issued by the Mandalay Division Chief Minister's Office, issued to all townships.



(Meikhtila is the infamous site of Muslim Massacres in March 2013 - during which estimated 500 Muslims of all ages and sexes were killed in broad day light, under the eyes of Myanmar police, and other security units. The estimation was done by local activists who witnessed the pre-mediated slaughter and took stock of the deaths).

ZARNI's REMARK: Dr Zaw Myint Maung is a highly respected former political prisoner who spent close to 20 years in prison under previous military governments, An MP elect from 1990 election. He was reelected in 2015 elections which propelled NLD into a gov with Suu Kyi as the de facto head of state. He is from a very well-educated liberal family in our city of Mandalay. Parents were professors at the medical school there. He is married to the oldest daughter of my grade school friend, a cardiologist who settled in London. The good people are compelled to adopt or conform with irrational, racist policies of Burma which have become the building blocks of social control - a divide and rule.

---

my VERBATIM (word for word) translation: 

DATE: 24 June 2017 

To: 

- All Ward-level Chief Administrators 
- Hta Mun Kan (Lake) Village Tract/Group Chief Administrator 
- Meikhtila Township 

Subject: The matter on which this order needs to be implemented 

REFERENCE: Official Letter Number 1 / 2 – 1 / 2 Oo 6 (1784), dated 22 June 2017, Issued by Mandalay Division Central Administration, Mandalay 

1. Regarding the matter that involves the planned donations, during the month of Ramadan, of of rice, cooking oil, beans, red onions, etc. to those Muslims who reside in Chan Aye Tha Ya Ward, Nan Daw Gun Quarter, Meikhtia, by the two French nationals named Mr. Walkoaik Jeam Noel Philippe and Mrs. Faconi Anne Valerie, the staffers with the London/UK-based Humanitarian organization in its branch office located at Dagon, Yangon Prome Road, No. 73/ A 1 Ma, Mandalay Division Central Administration, Mandalay has issued the following order: “that every donation must be reported to the township authorities and that the act of distributions must be carried out only under the supervision of the township authorities.” 

2. Therefore, all (sub-township level) local administrations are hereby ordered to report to and seek prior permit from the township level authorities - in every case involving distribution of donations in kind such as consumer goods as well as other items. Further, it is ordered that the local authorities make themselves well-informed about and comply with the Para 1 (Mandalay Divisional Order) and acknowledge the receipt of this order. 


Signed 
U Thet Naing 
Head of Meikhtila Township Administration (Deputy Director) 


CC: District Chief Administrator, Meikhitla 
Head of Township Level Police Force, Meikhtila 
Outgoing/Incoming Files 
Office Files

'I Am Deeply Troubled by Aung San Suu Kyi And Her Denial of the Rohingya Genocide': Maung Zarni



Adil Zaman
Thursday, June 22,2017

Dr. Maung Zarni, an exiled dissident from Myanmar, is a scholar and activist based in the United Kingdom. He is co-author (with Alice Cowley) of The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya and a grassroots activist who coordinated the international consumer boycott of Myanmar in support of the National League for Democracy from 1995-2004, was the founder of the Free Burma Coalition and has been with the London School of Economics as well as Harvard University. Zarni, himself a Buddhist, has been a vocal voice on human rights globally and was interviewed by ADIL ZAMAN for The Citizen. Excerpts:

Q.What is your response to Aung San Suu Kyi government’s denial of a UN probe into the widespread allegations of killings, rapes and torture by security forces against Rohingya Muslims?

As a Burmese activist, who had supported Aung San Suu Kyi as the hope of Burma for 15 years, I am deeply troubled by her government – and the Nobel laureate herself – dismissing and denying all the credible allegations of ethnic cleansing and even a genocide.

My own 3-year-study (Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal, 2014) conducted with my wife and colleague Alice, was the first comprehensive academic publication on the persecution of the Rohingya. We were persuaded by our findings that my country has long triggered the process of a slow genocide, with periodic waves of large scale violence against this peaceful, vulnerable Muslim community, with a historical claim over their own region of Northern Rakhine. Other studies and reports from Yale Law Clinic, Queen Mary U. of London Law School, etc. have arrived at the same conclusion, further reinforcing our findings.

So, I find it unconscionable that Aung San Suu Kyi herself and virtually all her advisers, officials and spokespersons have been dismissing these numerous reports and studies as “fake rape” “exaggeration” “Muslim-on-Muslim violence” or primarily “centuries-old sectarian conflict” “poverty-induced conflict” between Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya communities in the region, an unfortunate by-product or side effect of multi-ethnic country opening up. The evidence – that the persecution is state-orchestrated and predates Burma’s opening by nearly 30 years – since 1978) – is irrefutable.

Q. More than 75,000 Myanmar Rohingyas have fled to the Bangladesh Border since October, 2016, who is responsible , who will help them ?

Unlike the 2012 waves of violence in June and October where local Rakhines led the mass killings and mass destruction of Rohingyas – with a blanket impunity, the October 2016 violence, displacement, and destruction was carried out by the Burmese security forces including the Burmese police forces.

Although the security forces are not under Suu Kyi-government’s control, the police are under NLD-government, as Aung San Suu Kyi herself admitted in her Channel News Asia interview in early December last year. The Burmese military leadership ordered these ‘security clearance’ operation as a response to the killing of 9 Burmese police men manning two border posts.

Based on my own research -including interviews with Rohingyas, the Burmese military invented its own pretext to launch a large scale “security clearance operations” by setting this up “honey-trap” where the young, angry, militant Rohingyas men were lured into attacking the border posts, in a region that is dotted with Burmese military and police intelligence units and check-points.

The military leaders are directly responsible for the exodus of 75,000 Rohingyas and Aung San Suu Kyi government whitewashes, covers up, denies and dismisses the military’s international human rights crimes against Rohingyas. You know denial is always a part of a genocidal process, from the Nazi genocide to Rwanda – and now to Myanmar genocide of Rohingyas. When a sovereign government, whatever its form or nature, fails to discharge its responsibility to look after humans inhabiting on its soul then it is the responsibility of the international community to intervene, in any possible and conceivable way, to protect and help the victim community. The region’s giant neighbours such as India and China, as well as the regional bloc such as South Asian and South East Asia regional blocs are primarily responsible for taking care of the region.

Q. Has the international community proved ineffective in dealing with Rohingya Crisis?

Yes, absolutely ineffectual. UN High Commission on Refugees based in Geneva has been involved in addressing the needs of period waves of Rohingya refugees since spring of 1978 – (the first wave saw 278,000 Rohingyas fleeing Burma’s terror campaign disguised as “immigration checks”, that was followed by 1991/92 wave with similar number of refugees. Rohingya issue hit the world’s headlines only after the country opened up in 2011.

Since the two bouts of violence in 2012 and now the latest one in 2016, another quarter million Rohingyas have fled the country, according to the UN reports). One reason the international community has been ineffective in addressing the Rohingya Crisis is because it fails to confront the root cause of massive human sufferings of Rohingya as a collective ethnic community, naming the state-led genocidal process.

You know ending genocide may be a moral imperative for communities and circles of ordinary humans like you and me, but it does not advance strategic interests of external, powerful players in international politics. The ugly truth is this: the world revolves around national and corporate interests and nasty struggles over these interests. Rohingya crisis is yet another inconvenient case of international crimes against the faceless, vulnerable, commercially useless human community. The failure of the international community, so-called, to end Rohingya genocide, and other atrocities in places like Sudan or Burundi, is an affront to all the decent humans around the world.

Q. Former UN secretary General Kofi Anan few months ago said “ He would not describe Violence being committed against Myanmar's Rohingya minority as "genocide". Your Comments?

It is utterly pathetic and arrogant that Kofi Annan would weigh in on the Rohingya issue, without having studied the persecution in any appreciable ways, against the backdrop of studies that call Burma’s persecution of Rohingya by its legal name.

Professionally speaking, Annan spent less than a total of 7 days in his whirlwind trips to Rakhine region, speaks no local language, has never been involved in Myanmar political issues, in any appreciable ways. How could someone with zero expertise on local or national issues.

Look. When it comes to dealing with cases involving genocide and ethnic cleansing, Kofi Annan is the last person whose words I would take at face value. As the head of UN Peacekeeping Force based in New York headquarters, this careerist bureaucrat sat on his hands when the head of the Peacekeepers in Rwanda was sending unequivocal messages of an imminent genocidal killings in 1994, simply because the most powerful post-Cold War Masters of the UN – the Americans – didn’t want to hear the “G” word. Annan simply let 800,000 Rwandan Tutsi be slaughtered in a span of a few months. When he was made head of UN, he did nothing, as Sec-Gen., significant to protest the illegal and immoral invasion against Saddam’s Iraq, the legacy of which the Middle East – and the world – are still reeling from.

Q. What is the 969 group ? What makes them neo-Nazis and why are they targeting Muslims?

969 is just a name, a reference to a mixed group of Bama nationalists, both laymen (and -women) and nuns and monks. The group’s name has changed from 969 to Ma Ba Tha and others. But the core players – funders, lay supporters, protectors within the military, propagandists in the Burmese language media, etc. – remain the same.

What makes them Nazi-sh is their core belief that Muslims – all Muslims – and Islam – are a major threat to the world in general and to Burma as the predominantly Buddhist country.

It’s like Hitler and Nazi ideology that scapegoated the Jewish peoples as the source of all evils – the Russian Revolution, the international banking system, etc. It is this extreme-racist ideology that compels the Burmese anti-Muslim racists organized themselves as 969, Ma Ba Tha, Patriotic Monks Association, Wunthanu Philanthropy - that’s the latest banner of 969, after its name is declared “illegal” by the national governing body of monks a month ago – to target all Muslim communities.

The crucial point I want to emphasise here is the role of the military-controlled government and governmental institutions in propping up these racist groups. The most powerful generals including the Commander in Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and still influentially networked ex-Chief of Intelligence and ex-General Khin Nyunt are known patrons of individual leaders of these neo-Nazi groups such as Sitagu monk and Wirathu monk.

Q.What are the threats to ethnic minorities in this region or according to you in the Buddhist Triangle( Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand) – How did it originate ?

Of the three Theravada Buddhist countries, Sri Lanka and Myanmar are former British colonies. The threat they have posed to ethnic and religious minorities – in the case of Sri Lanka, the autonomy-seeking Eelam Tamils and Muslims and Christians – stems from the fact that the countries’ post-colonial governments, their respective ideologies, and constitutive institutions have enshrined “Buddhist racism” – an oxymoron – towards non-believers.

Over the last 50 years at least, these two states have crystalized unitary state structures that rest on this majoritarian Buddhist racism. In a warped way, although the Buddhists in these two countries are the majorities, they seem themselves in global terms – Buddhists are minorities in the sea of 1.7 billion Muslims in 57 Muslim countries. They look at the history of the spread Islam in places like the Malay World, India, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Central Asia, etc. - through the Sword, in the historical understanding or misunderstanding in these predominantly Buddhist societies. They look at the violence that has engulfed the Middle East and terrorist attacks in USA and Europe and conclude that Islam is “a virus of violence” and Muslims are “carriers”.

The popular Burmese discourses in the social media – and in face to face conversations – are informed by this fear and perception of Muslims as an existential threat to Buddhists and other non-Muslims. In the case of Thailand, the Thai kingdom has never been colonized by a Christian European power. So, the Thai state has been the patron of Buddhism and Buddhist clergy.

Q. Your forthcoming book on Burma is going to be published this year. Any details you could share?

My book is a commissioned work by Yale University Press. It is a history and analysis of my own society, where I deviate from the typical court- or state-centred narrative. In other words, I am writing a mini-version of a “people’s history” of Burma, marginalizing the century-old elite voices. I am in fact struggling with it in terms of time. I am an activist through and through. I can’t sit down and simply focus on writing this long form of analysis and story-telling. I feel I need to respond to the deeply disturbing developments “at home” – like the rise of violence, the lies of Aung San Suu Kyi and the generals, the popularization of Islamophobia.

Myanmar's Influential Sitagu Openly Propagates Fear of Islam while Stroking Religious Nationalism Amongst Buddhists At Home

Photo by Pyae Sone Aung/EPA

Sitagu is far more senior, far more credible and far more influential than Wirathu. He founded the Sitagu Buddhist Peace University. But do not feel fooled by his discourse of peace in English sermons.

Like Wirathu, Sitagu has powerful patrons - the Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing and the senior military commanders. Like the Thai Armed Forces, the Burmese Armed Forces now consider "protection of Buddhism and Buddhist Bama/Burmese Race" as their additional duty, besides safeguarding the territorial integrity, sovereignty, etc. 

(Photo: BBC)

DEFEND OUR MOTHERLAND.

He has a different script - in Burmese language - for the home audience.


Date and venue of the sermon, I am still trying to find out. It was posted on Facebook by a critic of his yesterday. 

Here is the gist of Sitagu's sermon in this nearly 3 minutes clip:

1) Present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kashmir, Bangladesh were Buddhist nations for about 1000 years. Look what they are today.

That's because of the FAILURES to protect the Buddhist countries against the onslaught of Islam - on the part of the Buddhist kings, Buddhist public and Buddhist monks. 

2) Turkey used to be Christian. Now it is a Muslim nation. 

3) In 1958, there was a Multi-ethnic Forum (Hni Naw Pha Lae Pwe) held at Rangoon City Hall. The Rakhine leader ICS U Kyaw Min spoke there as well. I went to listen to the presentations. There Muslim leaders from Pyaw Bwe and Ya Mae Thin (near Naypyiday today) demuanded their towns the status of a separate Muslim region because they say Muslims were majority of the residents. 

4) Look at the situation today in Buthidaung and Maung Daw. 

5) Look at Southern Thailand. 

6) Look at USA. They are so afraid of peoples with long beards and long robes. Even us, Saffron Buddhist monks, we are seen as potential suicide bombers. (At airports) they would do body searches with us, the only place they would not search is the place between our thighs! 

7) I am not singling out and stigmatizing one single religion (Islam). 

I am just reminding you of our individual responsibility to protect our faith." 

ZARNI's REMARK:

Sitagu ignores all other cases which will undermine or contradict his argument that Islam is the biggest threat to non-Muslim countries. 

For instance, India today is under the influence of Hindu Fundamentalisms. Sri Lanka is pursuing a violent "Buddhist" nationalism toways Hindu Tamils, Muslims and Christians. 

Israel is a Zionist Jewish nation which colonized the predominantly Muslim Palestinians since 1948. 

And the greatest threat to the United States' peace and stability are its imperialist Foreign Policy and non-stop invasions and wars, as well as White Christian neo-Fascist networks. 

Cambodia was a Hindu kingdom - Ankor Wat was Hindu monastery where sexual organs were symbols of workship as "the source of life" - that was turned into Buddhist, when the rulers decided to convert to Buddhism. 

Aung San Suu Kyi herself has succumbed to this view: she said this publicly on her Oct 2013 Radio Four Interview on BBC. She couched it as "perception of the rise of Muslim power worldwide" and she repeated a similarly racist view in her BBC interview with Fergal Kean a few months ago: "Muslims killing Muslims" in Rakhine state and how Buddhist Rakhine are afraid of Muslims.