speaking out against Aung San Suu Kyi covering up Rohingya genocide, The Guildhall protest against "Freedom of the City Award", London, 8 May 2017

At the London School of Economic "Rule of Law Roundtable", 16 June 2012

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Drafting the Oslo Communique calling for the end to Myanmar's Rohingya Genocide, Voksanaasen, Oslo, 27 May 2015

Giving the Annual Owen M. Kupferschmid Lecture at the Holocaust and Human Rights Project, Boston College Law School, 13 Apr 2015

Order Rohingya Calendar that tells a factual story of a people subject to Myanmar's slow genocide.


Rohingya calendar is print-ready.




It tells a story of one of the world's most persecuted people, subject to a slow genocide that begun in 1978 - under the pretext of an anti-illegal immigration campaign launched by the late General Ne Win's Myanmar's dictator.  

Please preview  here  -- http://www.rohingyacalendar.com/ -- what's inside the 14-months Rohingya calendar.

It is an educational kit, a story teller, and a campaign tool.

Every Rohingya in the world should have this calendar:

to revive their sense of dignity and self-worth in the face of a slow genocide of nearly 40 years, to teach their children about their root, to understand the international - as opposed to domestic/internal - nature of the oppression and persecution at the hands of Myanmar state authorities and racists among the Rakhine, and so too does every global citizen who wants to help end the incredible sufferings of the Rohingya - 1.33 million inside Myanmar and an equal number in diaspora - to learn and appreciate the depth of persecution factually and to be able to see through Myanmar's lies and global mass media's misportrayal of them as "stateless".

The borderland people, the Rohingya - Rohingya is not a blood-type or a DNA, but a socially evolving ethnicity like any ethnicity - belong in Northern Arakan or Rakhine.

As a matter of fact, Myanmar, my country of birth, is repeating what Turkey did to the Christian Armenians 100 years ago. Of all the oppressed ethnic groups of Myanmar - including the Bama, as well as non-Bama ethnic group, only the Rohingya have been singled out and persecuted genocidally for the last nearly 40 years - since Febrary 1978.

That's why ending this international crime will have to be a top priority for those involved in Myanmar's transition from direct military rule to a largely military-controlled NLD government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Let's welcome 2016 with a shared resolve to end the slow genocide being committed by the State in Myanmar as I write these words.

Dr Zarni       (UK)                           Dr Haikal Mansor   (Ireland)            Dr Hla Kyaw (The Netherlands
Publisher                                 Designer                                       Researcher

A Perfect New Year Gift: A Calendar Dedicated to the Rohingya Victims of Myanmar's Slow Genocide

Looking for a perfect gift for your friends and colleagues? Look no more!




Dear Friends and Colleagues,

Here is a perfect gift for this holiday season, especially for those with a social conscience. And Myanmar authorities will arrest you if it is found in your possession!


(see Arrests in Myanmar over calendar recognizing Rohingya.  AFP, 25 November 2015.)

So, please, help inform the world about Myanmar's slow genocide of the Rohingya Muslims by purchasing a calendar as a gift for friends, colleagues and family for 2016.

Six hundred years of presence in the country, the "Theraveda Buddhist" nation of Myanmar deems, entitles them to neither full citizenship nor the prized status of a native ethnic group!

Yes, that's right!  After 600 years of their  natural evolution as an ethnic group, the Rohingya are misperceived as "illegal aliens" by the Myanmar's public, who themselves are oppressed by the ruling military for the last half-century.

Sad indeed, ain't it?

The English language calendar will be available for purchase in January. The delivery will be in early to mid-January.

Don't worry.   In order to compensate for the late-sales we have created 14-months calendar - from Jan 2016-Feb-2017.

On-line orders can be placed at the website:  www.RohingyaCalendar.com

The proceeds - always a source of evil, slanders and bickerings among fund-deprived activists - will be used 100% transparently and accountably.  Specifically, the funds will be used for the purpose of educating and training Rohingya activists so that they can end their sufferings. Only the oppressed can free themselves.

What is in the calendar?

With award-winning photos and official documentations and slickly designed, the calendar tells a factual (that is, empirically verifiable) story of Rohingya people who have, according to archaeological and historical evidence, made the western borderlands region of Myanmar their home since the 14th century. 

Since February 1978, Myanmar's successive military regimes have singled them out on the basis of their ethnic identity for persecution, framing them as "illegal economic migrants from the neighboring Bangladesh" and as such, "a threat to national security", encoding the state's systematic persecution the 1982 Citizenship Act reminiscent of the Third Reich's Nuremberg Laws and outsourcing various acts designed to destroy the Rohingya as a distinct ethnic community of over 2 millions - inside the country and in diaspora.

Despite the optimism  and hype about the country's "consolidation"  - as the British Government official Hugo Swire put it - of democratic openinging, virtually the entire Myanmar public remain indifferent to the plight of the Rohingya while most disturbingly, the country's revered politician and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has joined her former jailors in condoning and denying what is increasingly viewed as a slow genocide.

The calendar is organized thematically in ways that will inform the world about the pre-British colonial ancestral history of the Rohingya, their official indigenous ethnicity, the origin and evolution of Myanmar’s persecution, the evidence of genocide, and the call to end Myanmar’s international human rights crime against the entire ethnic group.

Additionally, the calendar contains bite-size crucial insights about a genocidal process and international human rights law - so incredibly misperceived even among highly educated quarters (for instance,non-genocide studies academics and Myanmar experts), not to mention men (and women) on the streets.

Watch Professor Amartya Sen explains succinctly why Myanmar's policies and persecution of the Rohingya amounts to a slow genocide. 


Hear what George Soros, who as a young man escaped the Nazi-occupied Budapest in 1944, has to say about the Rohingya after having visited a Rohingya "ghetto" in Myanmar, as he put it.  




Amartya Sen and George Soros are joined by a group of 7 Nobel Peace Laureates who says the Rohingya are "a textbook example of a genocide in which an entire ethnic people is being wiped out".




7 Nobel Peace Laureates Call Rohingya Persecution a Genocide

http://yhoo.it/1U6FmbB

But Aung San Suu Kyi who travels around the world to collect virtually all available human rights awards and yet has chosen not to set her foot in a Rohingya community - one hr flight away - or speak out to end the sufferings of the most wretched of Myanmar disagrees.

Watch below how she denies there is any 'ethnic cleansing' of the Rohingya - let alone a genocide, which she calls 'an exaggeration'.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-2464969

Far Eastern Economic Review - and other media outlets - were reporting about the then Burma's persecution of the Rohingya as early as July 1978.  (The calendar contains a high resolution, readable article in its entirety).



The calendar thus arranged presents a brief overview of the plight of the wretched of Myanmar. 

Whether you are Rohingyas, Rohingya supporters, diplomats, journalists, academics, business persons, tourists, or human rights activists this is a perfect New Year gift.

The calendar is aimed at telling a factua lstory of the world's most persecuted people, with no hope on their own homeland, a story which the government of Myanmar is trying so hard to erase, unsuccessfully. 

The calendar is conceptualized, designed, published and distributed by the Rohingya intellectuals and the Burmese Buddhist activists and scholars.

Help us expose Myanmar's genocidal lies. And help end the slow genocide.

The first step is to call for the international conference to determine the status of the Rohingya in Myanmar, starting with their official, pre-Burma/Myanmar historical and contemporary presence in Myanmar or Burma.


Myanmar Rohingya are an ETHNIC group native to Northern Arakan or Rakhaing

Myanmar Rohingya are an ETHNIC group native to Northern Arakan or Rakhaing

Rooinga (Muslims), Natives of Arracan

"The Moguls know this country by the name of Rakhang, and the Mohammedans who have been long settled in this country call themselves Rooinga, natives of Arracan." 

Henry G. Bell (1852) An Account of the Burman Empire, Calcultta. p. 66.




The ‪Rohingya‬ as pre-nation state indigenous ethnic group of ‪#Myanmar‬

The ‪#‎Rohingya‬ as pre-nation state indigenous ethnic group of ‪#‎Myanmar‬

Rooinga or Rohingyas, The Natives of Arakan, were there centuries before the First British Annexation of Burma Empire (1824).

Asiatic Researches (Volume V.), Calcutta, AD 1799. 

Rohingya were long settled in Rakhang or Arakan way before the British first annexed Rakhaing or Arakan in AD 1826.

Francis Buchanan (1799) A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire. Calcutta, pp. 237-239.





Northern Arakan as Rohingya's Ancestral Land: G.H.Luce citing the Stone Inscription from Ava Period

THE ‪#‎ROHINGYA‬ OR ROHINJAS OF PRE-COLONIAL ‪#‎MYANMAR‬

Rohinjas were NOT descendants of colonial era "farm coolies" from East Bengal as Myanmar government blatantly lies to the world.

Based on the 14th century stone inscriptions, Luce described them as "a fine type of devout and scholarly-minded Muslims."

They have been indigenous to North Western Arakan since 1400 AD. 

According to the late Gordon H. Luce, essentially the founder of modern historical studies of the ancient Myanmar or Burma and the mentor of Professor Than Tun, the presence of the Rohinjas in Burma was evidenced in the stone inscriptions from the Ava period (AD 1400).

Source: G. H. Luce (1985) Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and History. Volume I. pages. X. Table of Contents & page. 95.






An open letter to Burma’s leaders

Suu Kyi meeting with Min Aung Hlaing (R) and Thein Sein (L) on 1 October, 2014. (PHOTO: DVB)

By Maung Zarni
December 9, 2015

To:

Retired Snr-Gen. Than Shwe
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
President Thein Sein
Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing

Mingalabar,

As a Burmese I am heartened to hear the news of the four leaders working diligently to end half a century of authoritarian rule and usher in a democratic transition.

Both the public at home and the international media can be heard applauding your admirable efforts to prevent what could have been the latest in Burma’s bloody political tradition of the changing of the guard, whereby the usurper ‘ate’ the sitting one’s ‘head’ – as we say in Burmese. Like many Burmese I very much welcome the prospect of the Old Guard transferring power to the National League for Democracy (NLD) which unmistakably enjoys a broad mandate from the national electorate.

It is against this auspicious backdrop that I call to your attention the two major issues that concern our nation of multi-ethnic and multi-faith communities; first, the long-running civil war against non-Bamar or non-Myanmar peoples, and second, the slow genocide of the Rohingya.

These two national issues of main concern here amount to crimes of national significance.

As a country, we must end the bloody civil war that the Tatmadaw has been waging ferociously and ruthlessly against our own ethnic brethren, during which the lives of millions have been destroyed and communities displaced and terrorised. Equally important, we must end what is credibly and increasingly commonly viewed as a national policy of genocide against the Rohingya.

I must remind you that in the past, successive post-independence Burmese governments have officially and verifiably recognised the Rohingya as an ethnic group of our country living in their ancestral land – the borderlands between the post-WWII new nation-states of former Burma/Myanmar and former East Pakistan/Bangladesh.

As a matter of fact, less than a year after our country’s independence from Britain, the Rohingya leaders officially sent a written letter (dated 9 December 1948) to the country’s first Prime Minister U Nu. The letter established that their distinct ethnic community of Rohingya was an integral and constitutive member of the newly independent Union of Burma, rejecting the view that they wanted to be a part of the predominantly Muslim country of Pakistan next door.

The letter registered their intent to remain a part of Burma and pledged their unwavering allegiance to the new country. Furthermore, the same official letter – which the Special Branch of the Ministry of Home Affairs archived, expressed their willingness to live peacefully side by side with the majority Buddhist Rakhine [Arakanese] whom the letter addressed as “our brethren”.

In our country today when the public hear the word ‘Rohingya’, most immediately assume them to be illegal ‘Bengali’ from Bangladesh who are lying to the world about the non-existent and fictitious ethnic identity.

This unwarranted assumption came about as the direct result of a sustained propaganda effort by Military Intelligence. The project was designed to present the Rohingya as a people with no roots in Burma.

Instead we would do well to remember that the modern nation-state of Burma, born out of the clutches of Britain’s colonial rule, is the outcome of a voluntary association among the disparate ethnic communities that now form a part of the Union of the Republic of Myanmar.

When U Aung San and key members of his post-WWII cabinet under the British Governor, including the highly respected Muslim leader U Razak were murdered in 1947, Aung San’s surviving Bamar colleagues blatantly broke bloke most important promise of fair power-sharing arrangement anchored in the principle of equality among main ethnic groups.

It would be fair to say that it is the political dishonesty and failure to uphold the founding agreement on the part of our own Bamar political and military leaders that gave birth to various ethnic armed revolts. The civil war, however limited to certain regions of Burma, has been raging for over six decades.

The non-Bamar communities experience the Tatmadaw’s nation-building measures nothing short of internal Bamar colonialism similar to Britain’s ‘pacification campaign’ of the highlands in 1890s.

Even our National Day celebrations are an affront to them. For they have their own respective national days and martyrs which we choose not to acknowledge.

Likewise, the government’s systematic attempts to wipe out the Rohingya, in terms of their social, political and economic foundations, as well as their literal existence have been going on for almost 40 years.

In a nutshell, our country is plagued by a myriad of problems. They are the direct result of the failures on the part of national leaders, politicians and generals to uphold truths, to speak out when truths are butchered and verifiable lies of national significance are enshrined as facts. Armed conflicts, religion-based racism, ethnic and economic tensions have come to characterise our country, once considered one of Asia’s bright post-colonial nations.

The people have paid the price for the leaders’ failures.

The current transition, however peaceful, from the military rule to the semi-democratic NLD government lacks the potential to end the two national crises that I have focused on. We cannot build a democracy or a peaceful multi-ethnic and multi-faith modern nation on the basis of official lies and broken promises of Burma’s founders.

May I remind us all that the late U Aung San held dear “love of truth” as a guiding principle in life and politics. He wrote and talked to his friends about how much he wanted to instill this value in his three children. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would know this incomparably better than me, of course.

For the military leaders who studied at the Defence Services Academy for four full years, you would recall that all officer cadets were required to read a collection of essays by and about the Tatmadaw’s founding father, U Aung San, entitled ‘The Thoughts, the Conducts and the Deeds of General Aung San’. The essays portrayed him as the model leader: an honest, compassionate, selfless and genuine patriot with an open intellectual mind.

The leaders who abuse non-Bamar ethnic minorities are betraying U Aung San’s vision of the Federal Union of Burma as a place where citizenship is both colour and faith-blind and where “indigenous” simply meant anyone who was born on the Burmese soil and who wishes to contribute to the building of a multi-ethnic country.

In the midst of optimism among the mainstream Burmese majority as well as the international cheerleaders of the ‘Myanmar Spring’, it is high time for our four leaders to snap out of the dark legacies of the past military rule, under which lies are truths, and truths are considered treasonous.

It is imperative that the four of you, our most influential national leaders, return to U Aung San’s vision and values. After all we are self-proclaimed Buddhists who are to appreciate the short-lived nature of all human lives.

May I, from the bottom of my heart, urge you to endeavour to end the slow genocide of the Rohingya and to bring about the cessation of all military offensives against our own ethnic brethren in eastern Burma in particular.

May you be well in mind and body. May all in Burma be at peace,

Maung Zarni

In permanent exile, United Kingdom.

This is the abridged English translation of the original Burmese, downloadable at http://www.maungzarni.net/2015/12/blog-post.html. The full English version is also at http://www.maungzarni.net.

Maung Zarni is a Burmese dissident scholar with 27-years of involvement in the country’s politics. He has just completed concurrent visiting academic fellowships at Harvard and the London School of Economics.

An Open Letter to Myanmar's Leaders (English translation of the long Burmese original)



Senior General (rtd.) Than Shwe
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
President Thein Sein
Commander-in-Chief SG Min Aung Hlaing 

7 December 2015 

Mingalaba (Greetings!)
As a Burmese I am heartened to hear the news of the four leaders working diligently to end half a century of authoritarian rule and usher in a democratic transition. 

Both the public at home and the international media can be heard applauding your admirable efforts to prevent what could have been the latest in Burma’s bloody political tradition of the changing of the guard, whereby the usurper ‘ate’ the sitting one’s ‘head’ – as we say in Burmese. Like many Burmese I very much welcome the prospect of the Old Guard transferring power to the National League for Democracy (NLD) which unmistakably enjoys a broad mandate from the national electorate. 

It is against this auspicious backdrop that I call to your attention the two major issues that concern our nation of multi-ethnic and multi-faith communities; first, the long-running civil war against non-Bamar or Myanmar peoples, and second, the slow genocide of the Rohingya. 

This is in accord with the right of a citizen to express his or her concern and in keeping with our Burmese customs of speaking out on matters that warrant public discussion, however unpopular or unpalatable the subject may be. 

First, my brief background. 

In the last 27 years, I had supported, alternately, both the democratic opposition led by the NLD and the ruling State Peace and Development Council. I was very actively involved in making the NLD’s call for western sanctions and consumer boycott of Myanmar’s military government and all its western business associates and partners until 2004. When I was able to snap out of my initial naivety about the ‘pro-democracy’ policies and the motives of Western governments I broke ranks with the NLD-led opposition and openly advocated for the reconciliation and good-faith cooperation with the authoritarian rulers. I did so while having anticipated fully the extremely negative repercussions emanating out of my criticism of the sanctions orthodoxy – which I myself supported - held rigidly by the NLD and its supporters, both at home and worldwide. 

After long years of continuous activism, I have lost my confidence in either camp to usher in a genuine process of democratization for our country I decided to simply mind my own business of working as an academic and to put my root down overseas. However, I feel compelled to remain political engaged because of the two aforementioned troubling issues of national importance: the unceasing war against ethnic minorities and vacuuming of the regions that are homes to these non-Myanmar ethnic communities at great communal cost to them, and the decades-long persecution of the entire Rohingya community of more than 1 million. 

As a country, we must end this bloody civil war that the Tatmadaw has been waging ferociously and ruthlessly, using even the airstrikes, against our own ethnic brethren during which the lives of the millions have been destroyed, communities terrorized. Equally important, we must end what is credibly and increasingly commonly viewed as a national policy of genocide against the Rohingya. After all, the Rohingya are the only ethnic group that is completely peaceful, with absolutely no armed front or violent resistance movement. What the state in Myanmar and the country at large are doing is de-legitimizing and denying their self-chosen ethnic name and identity. I must remind you all that successive governments since independence – the parliamentary democracy government of Prime Minister U Nu, the Caretaker Government of General Ne Win, the Union Government of Prime Minister U Nu and again the early Revolutionary Council Government of General Win had officially and verifiably recognized the Rohingya as an ethnic group of our country living in their ancestral land – the borderlands between post-WWII new nation-states of former Burma/Myanmar and former East Pakistan/Bangladesh. 

As a matter of fact, in less than a year after our country’s independence from Britain, the Rohingya leaders officially sent a written letter (dated 9 December 1948) to the country’s first Prime Minister U Nu, the 2nd in command after the martyred U Aung San in the ruling party of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) establishing that their distinct ethnic community of Rohingya were integral and constitutive pocket of the newly independent Union of Burma, rejecting the view that they wanted to be a part of the predominantly Muslim country of Pakistan next door, and registering their intent and desire to remain a part of Burma and pledging their unwavering allegiance to the new country. Furthermore, the same official letter - which the Special Branch of the Ministry of Home Affairs archived at the then seat of the Union/Central Government, namely the Secretariat – expressed their willingness to live peacefully side by side with the majority Buddhist Rakhines whom the letter addressed as “our brethren”. What the Rohingya asked for from the Union Government of U Nu was that the Rohingya communities and region be organized under a single administration because of the demographic concentration – estimated at 90% Rohingya - in the northern most 3 townships of Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Rathae Daung. The Rohingya asked, additionally, they be not governed regionally or locally, under the Rakhines who were a tiny minority in the predominantly Rohingya region in order to preempt the emergence of an apartheid-like scenario. Instead the Rohingya requested the Union Government in Rangoon to administer them centrally, a request that was accepted around 11960s - after the Rohingya had gone through much troubles, including launching an armed movement under the banner of Mujahideens which eventually ‘exchanged arms for peace’ and official recognition of their ethnic identity. There is a mountain of archived official documentation to this effect including in the Army’s own publication “Khit Yay or Current Affairs (July 1961 issue). [Tatmadaw’s (military’s) own psychological warfare department ran popular magazines and journals under U Chit Hlaing (later the Chief Instructor of the influential Central School of Political Science where the retired Senior General Than Shwe worked an instructor) and writer and journalist U Saw Oo]. 

Dear Leaders, 
a​llow me to be blunt here. 

These two national issues of main concern here – the Tatmadaw’s war against the non-Bama armed resistance movements (and respective ethnic communities) and the slow genocide of the Rohingya – amount to the crimes of national significance, committed by successive military and political leaders including the Founder of the military rule the late General Ne Win, if we look them against the State’s own official documentation and factual historical evidence. Additionally, from our Buddhist perspective, our treatment of these communities are totally anti-Dharma, devoid of conscience, compassion and integrity. We must acknowledge them honestly as our collective national crimes against our own non-Burmese and/or non-Buddhist fellow citizens. 

As Bama or Myanmar we would do well if we remember, accurately, that the modern nation-state of Burma out of the clutches of Britain’s colonial rule resulted from the voluntary association among disparate ethnic communities who now form a part of the Union of the Republic of Myanmar. Those non-Bama ethnic groups agreed to join us, the majority Burmese/Bama/Myanmar, on the sole basis of the promise of ethnic equality and power-sharing given them by our national leader the late U Aung San, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s father barely 6 months before his assassination in July 1947. When I was helping archive the Burma papers for Cornell University Southeast Asia Collection left by my late friend Louis Walinsky in Washington, DC, the well-known economic Adviser in residence to the Union of Burma (1953-58) and a Cornellian, I read a personally hand-written letter by the late Mahadevi Sao Hein Kham, the 4th wife of the first Union President Sao Shwe Thaike, addressed to Mr Walinsky. In the letter written in her exile in Canada, she explained to Mr Walinsky that it was U Aung San himself who took the initiative to offer the initially reluctant non-Bama representatives from the Kachin, the Karenni, the Chin, the Shan, etc. the guaranteed right to self-determination in the form of secession from the soon-to-be Union of Burma, after the trial period of 10 years of of peaceful co-existence and cooperation in nation-building. According to Mahadevi, this was meant as a concrete measure of confidence building so that the non-Burmese ethnic communities would hold hands with the dominant Bama majority enabling Aung San and others to present the British government a united front in their demands for complete independence as a single unified colonized people. 

(Mahadevi was in charge of the Hospitalities Committee at the Panlong or Pin-lone Conference which produced the famous Panlong Agreement on the basis of which the British agreed to grant the colonized peoples of Burma independence and our Union was in effect founded. Her own husband President Sao Shwe Thaike himself was a signatory to this Agreement. If he so wishes, President Thein Sein can double-check on this with her youngest son Mr Harn Yanghwe who serves as his adviser on ceasefire negotiations with the non-Bama ethnic organizations.) 

When U Aung San and key members of his post-WWII cabinet under the British Governor, including the highly respected Muslim leader U Razak were murdered on 19 July 1947, those colleagues and deputies of U Aung San blatantly broke his most important promise - and pledge – of fair power-sharing arrangement anchored in the principle of equality among main ethnic groups. 

It would be fair to say that it is the political dishonesty and failure to uphold the founding agreement on the part of our own Bama or Myanmar political and military leaders that gave birth to the multi-ethnic armed revolts throughout the country. The civil war, however limited to certain borderlands of the country, has been raging on for the last nearly 70 years. 

The non-Myanmar communities experience the Tatmadaw's nation-building measures nothing short of internal Bama colonialism similar to Britain’s "pacification campaign" of the highlands in 1890's. 

Even our National Day celebrations are an affront to them. For they have their own respective national days and martyrs which we choose not to acknowledge. 

Likewise, the government’s systematic attempts to wipe out the Rohingya,in terms of their social, political and economic foundations, as well as their literal existence have been going on for almost 40 years 

Likewise, the government’s systematic attempts to w​ipe out the Rohingya, both in terms of their cultural, social, political and economic foundations of their literal existence have been going on for nearly 4 decades. 

The first national crime resulted from the betrayal of U Aung San’s genuinely federalist vision of an multi-ethnic Union while the second stemmed from the fact that General Ne Win, the founder of the military rule, trashed his own agreement and consent. 

The second national crime was actually the direct outcome of the 180 degree reversal towards the Rohingya – by the late General (later U) Ne Win. During his tenure as Prime Minister of the Caretaker Government as well as the country’s most powerful Minister of Defence, it was Gener​al​ Ne Win he tasked the efforts by his senior deputies such as Brigadier Aung Gyi, then Vice Chief of Staff (Army), Colonel Saw Myint, Lt-Colonel Kyaw Soe, Lt-Colonel Ye Gaung, etc. to address the grievances of the Rohingya community and extinguish the flames of Rohingya armed rebellion. Brigadier Aung Gyi led the efforts successfully and the Rohingya ‘exchanged arms for peace’ – to use the army’s official descriptor for surrender. In July 1961, the Mujahideens surrendered to the Tatmadaw leaders in a well-documented and publicised ceremony and made the pledges of allegiance to live as peaceful and law abiding citizens of the Union of Burma. Consequently, the government accorded them not only full citizenships with all the rights but also the official recognition as an ethnic nationality – Taiyintha or the children of the soil – of Burma, allocated them as a slot on the sole national broadcasting service – called Burma Broadcasting Service alongside other indigenous language programs such as Lahu, Shan and Mon whereby the Rohingya language broadcast was made thrice-weekly. Besides, the Burma Encyclopedia, the official publication of the central government, included a lengthy entry under the Burmese alphabet Ma “Mayu Administrative District”: there the northern most Rakhine State bordering with the then East Pakistan was officially described as the predominantly Muslim Rohingya geographic region, a historical homeland of the people so-named. 

At the time of the creation of the Mayu Administrative District (under the direct command of the Ministry of Defence) in 1961, my own close relative – my mother’s late uncle – namely Major Ant Kywe served as the deputy administrator of the Mayu District under Lt-Colonel Ye Khaung, the Chief of the Supreme Command of All Burma Armed Forces units in Rakhine State. 

All the details pertaining to the Rohingya political settlement was written up and published some 30 years later in the early 1990’s by the architect of the Mujahideen (the armed Rohingya rebellion) surrender, namely the retired Brigadier Aung Gyi, the 2nd in command of the entire Armed Forces under General Ne Win. Aung Gyi in fact prefaced his article by saying that what he knew as a matter of fact, thanks to his own first-hand involvement, must be recorded most truthfully, whatever the prevailing public or official opinion years on. 

To digress a bit, my own great uncle – Major Ant Kywe – joined the Burma Army in Mandalay during the anti-Fascist era, was awarded the highest recognition (Resistance Fighter, First Class) and subsequently conferred by the Union of Burma Government the (feudal) title Zeya Kyaw Htin. He served under one of General Ne Win’s deputies, Brigadier Sein Win, in the Burma Rifle Number 1. At the time of the Rohingya political settlement in 1961, President Thein Sein (Defense Services Academy In-Take 9) and Commander in Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing (Defense Services Academy In-Take 19) must have been in high school and a kindergarten respectively. 

Returning to Brigadier Aung Gyi’s published records, let me quote at length one of the most crucial passage which unequivocally establish the official existence and, emphatically, official recognition of the Rohingya as an ethnic group – going beyond the oft-cited (international) ‘right to self-identify’:

“In those days, the War Office (of the Tatmadaw) had to pay a very close attention to Buthidaung and Maung Daw townships, just like today’s War Office is paying a close attention to the border regions with Thailand. Eventually, the Rohingya warriors (Mujahideens) gave up their armed rebellion. In the discussion that ensued during the Surrender Ceremony they made a specific request to the army representatives: that we don’t address or refer to their people in ways they consider racist and derogatory. Specifically, the Rohingya leaders asked us not to call the Rohingya “Khaw Taw”, nor “Bengali”, nor Chittagonian Kalar (niggers), nor “Rakhine Muslims”. Instead they said their preferred and self-referential ethnic name was the Arabic word Rohingya (meaning the Easterners – east of the old Bengal). In terms of the administrative name of their region, they proposed a completely secular term which is devoid of any religious connotations (namely Mayu after the river Mayu). This matter was subsequently brought to the attention of the senior most leadership at the War Office in Rangoon who discussed the Rohingya leaders’ requests and proposals thoroughly. The War Office agreed to the Rohingya’s proposal – about both their ethnic name and the name of their administrative region based on the other historical and contemporary cases where indigenous ethnic groups chose their own preferred group names and identities. The examples include the British colonial term La-Wa people, which the subject people of Wa rejected as their real name, thus proposing successfully to the Union Government to call them only the Wa. Likewise the ethnic people we call Mon today used to be known and referred to as “Talaing” (a derogatory term, from their perspective). (At the Mon’s insistence, their ethnic name change came to be ccepted officially and popularly)…. The War Office agreed to organize the two majority Rohingya towns – Buthidaung and Maungdaw – into a single administrative district which was to be directly commanded by the War office (Ministry of Defense) as part of the Tatmadaw’s wider strategic border affairs paradigm (where “development” was pursued as a tool to combat ethnic rebellions). This arrangement by the War Office was subsequently officially approved by the Cabinet, thus having given birth to the Administrative Region of Mayu and resulting in the official recognition of the Rohingya as an ethnic group and name.”

(Reference: Retired Brigadier General Aung Gyi, “The Rohingya Problem That I was Personally Involved in Resolving”, the newsletter of the Union Nationals Development Party, Rangoon, February 1992, page.8). 

Noteworthy is the fact that the very first batch of the Defense Services Academy graduates were just freshly minted officers. One of them – namely Captain Maung Thaung, a close deputy of the retired Senior General Than Shwe, was only a personal staff officer to the author – the then Vice Chief of Staff of the Army, Brigadier General Aung Gyi. Under the previous military government of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), U Thaung served as the Minister of Science and was involved in the military’s nuclear projects. He is still alive, and he will most definitely be able to verify what his then VIP boss – Aung Gyi – recorded in writing about the Rohingya affairs, if he is prepared to speak about the Rohingya truthfully. 

Moving on, today credible allegations of genocide – a collaborative crime by the central government and the ultra-nationalist Rakhine leaders – are have their roots in the late General Ne Win himself breaking in the late 1970’s the past official political settlements and arrangements secured by his own senior most deputies, endorsed by both the Ministry of Defense and the highest executive branch – the Cabinet. (To dissect the idea and the international law pertaining to genocide, there are 5 clearly defined acts of genocide, and the (direct) killing of members of a group on the sole basis of ethnicity, race, religion, or nationality is only one of them. There are 4 other acts of genocide that are considered integral to the “intentional destruction” of the group, “both in whole or in part”. The Nobel Prize winner and Harvard Professor Amartya Sen is a former teacher of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi when she was first studying at Delhi University and considers himself a close friend of her late husband Dr Michael Aris. In endorsing publicly my own research findings that what our Buddhist country is doing to the Rohingya amounts to “the slow burning genocide”, Professor Sen pointed out how Myanmar is destroying the Rohingya through non-direct killing such as “denying them medicine and medical treatment, the right to jobs/livelihoods to earn their own living, denying them proper access to food, denying them legality, etc. – all with the verifiable intent to destroy the group and its existence. He told me that seated right next to her at the dinner in her honor he had gently and diplomatically asked Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to be “the leader of the nation, meaning the leader who protects and promotes the well-being of all ethnic and religious groups”, implying to lead the Rohingya out of their genocidal hell, during her visit to Harvard University in 2013.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will remember, I am sure, the fact that she was hounded by the international journalists in Geneva in early June 2012 over the question of mass violence and persecution of the Rohingya. For her first European trip with the ILO as her first stop since she returned to Burma in the spring of 1988 came on the heels of the violent events in Rakhine between the Rohingya and the Rakhine. 

According to an American journalist who followed her from Rangoon during her European tour, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was asked if she knew “whether the Rohingya were citizens of your country” to which she replied, “I don’t know.” Meanwhile, Dr Aye Maung, the anti-Rohingya ulra-nationalist Rakhine leader and a Member of the Parliament, who is believed to be involved in the bouts of organized violence against the Rohingya, was openly disclosing publicly the fact that he had personally threatened Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to never mention the word ‘Rohingya’ from her lips, or else he would ensure that the Rakhine would turn against her party NLD, come the elections. He reportedly told this to the largest gathering of the Rakhine nationalists in Rathae Daung, in Northern Rakhine. In the midst of rising international interest in and concerns for the Rohingya persecution, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has stubbornly dodged any question from the media about the Rohingya or simply gave vague and evasive responses. As a matter of fact, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has plainly dismissed any genocide allegations as “exaggerations”, described the Rohingya as those with roots in Bangladesh and kept referring to the (implicitly racist) 1982 Citizenship Law which was in effect designed to ensure that most Rohingyas don’t qualify for citizenship. 

Furthermore, she will also remember the Rule of Law Roundtable held on her birthday – 18 June 2012 – at the London School of Economics where I was asked to step in and handle any questions about the Rohingya. Before her arrival in London the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office informed the chair of the roundtable Professor Mary Kaldor that “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in listening mode’ and not too keen to speak or lecture”. Because the Rohingya issue became a hot potato for her, the Chair Professor Kaldor pre-assigned me to handle the pre-submitted Rohingya question to her. Despite the fact that I represent neither the government nor the flagship opposition of NLD, I willingly accepted the assigned Rohingya question. Seated immediately next to me on the panel, she heard me address the Rohingya persecution both as a Buddhist from Myanmar and as a researcher on the issue of statelessness. 

In our country today when the public hear the word “Rohingya” they immediately assume and think we are talking about illegal Bengali from Bangladesh who are lying to the world about the non-existent and fictitious ethnic identity. The truth of the matter is with no exception all the indigenous peoples of our country whose ancestral lands are now split into new nation-states whose boundaries were drawn formally only after the World War II can be found on all sides of respective borders. This is true of the Kachin, the Chin, the Karen, the Mon, the Shan, the Kokant, the Wa and so on – and the Rohingyas are no exception. This fact is not lost on keen minds like the late Brigadier General Aung Gyi and the military officers who handled border affairs out of the War Office as early as 1950’s and 1960’s. Today there is an emerging field of studies known as “Borderlands Peoples” or Borderlands Studies” led by highly regarded scholars such as James C. Scott of Yale University. In fact, in one of his speeches Aung Gyi drove home the message that these borderlands people and their ancestral ties and regions criss-cross new nation-states’ boundaries. Himself an offspring of Chinese and Burmese parents Brigadier General Aung Gyi wittingly accepted the mixed “national” origins of these borderlands indigenous peoples of Burma – not just the Rohingya but the other indigenous groups such as the Kachin, the Mon, the Shan, etc. 

Today’s conventional wisdom about the Rohingya as ‘illegal aliens from Bangladesh came about as the direct result of the Military Intelligence’s sustained propaganda designed to render them as a people with no roots in Burma. 

Specifically, the founder of the Na Sa Ka (founded in 1992 and disbanded amidst allegations of being the main instrument of Rohingya genocide in 2013) and former head of the Directorate of the Defence Services Intelligence, namely ex-General Khin Nyunt reportedly gave a lecture – marked ‘Top Secret” at the then National Defense College. In that lecture, Khin Nyunt informed a small class of the next generation military leaders being groomed for important positions as Regional Commanders and officiating brigadiers that there had been some frictions between Myanmar and Bangladesh governments. The source of the frictions, he identified, was because “our Muslims from Rakhine state have been fleeing across the border into Bangladesh” – not because there was the inflow of illegal migrants from Bangladesh into Northern Rakhine. Considering that despite its population pressure, Bengali or Bangladeshis in their right mind are not going to enter Myanmar which has half the GDP of their country, no prospect for real employment, poses high risks of being persecuted or being attacked by the Rakhine nationalists. Besides, Rakhine state is either the poorest or the 13th poorest of all 14 states and divisions in our country. Even the Rakhines are emigrating or working as migrant labourers across Southeast Asia’s stronger and more prosperous labour markets in places like Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, and so on. 

(Ref: Interview with ex-General, ex-Head of Military Intelligence and ex-Prime Minister Khin Nyunt, by Myat Khaing, Revised and Expanded Second Edition, Rangoon, January 2014, page. 136). 

While the head of the military intelligence and the 3rd most powerful general in the country was giving a top secret lecture revealing the truth about the Rohingya – they are fleeing Burma – his deputies, for instance, head of Counter-intelligence, Brigadier Than Tun (behind bars for corruption and high treason since 2004 and former liaison between the government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) and his team were showing power points with made-up statistics about and tales of the influx of “illegal Bangladeshi migrants” crossing into the Buddhist Rakhine state posing “a threat to national security” – in front of hundreds of cadres of Burmese teachers and other civil servants at the Central School of Civil Servants at Hpaung Gyi. 

The sustained anti-Rohingya propaganda campaign thus carried out over a period time explains why the public opinions about the Rohingya are so incredibly venomous – so much so that every astute tourist or travel to today’s Myanmar does pick up, with disgust and disdain, without fail. 

In his 26 years of official reign, General Ne Win, who called himself the “surrogate father of the Tatmadaw” – the martyred General Aung San being the “biological father” – had left a sordid record of breaking every big official pledge he made to the public. Law, Rules and Regulations, the Constitution, the agreements are all elastic and easily disposable at his whims and as he deemed needed to pursue his own agendas. 

Those military leaders who took over the reins of the military and the military government, including generals Than Shwe, Maung Aye, Khin Nyunt, Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing have upheld this dishonorable tradition. 

The outcome is devastating for the society, communities and the country at large. Farmers are being displaced; student activists are locked up chronically; non-Bama ethnic peoples in conflict zones have absolutely no human security nor bright future; the Rohingya have been fleeing the country as they prefer dying on their survival runs than languishing on their own ancestral land at excruciatingly slow speed. 

In a nutshell, our country is plagued by a myriad of problems and woes as the direct result of the failures on the part of national leaders, politicians and generals to upload truths, to speak out when truths are butchered and verifiable lies of national significance are enshrined as “facts”. Armed conflicts, religion-based racism, ethnic tensions, economic abyss for the mass, have come to characterize our country, once considered one of Asia’s potentially bright post-colonial nations. 

Needless to say, the people pay for the price of the leaders’ failures. 

The current transition – however peaceful – from the military rule to the semi-democratic NLD government – lacks the potentials to end the two national crimes or crises which I have focused on. We cannot build a democracy or a peaceful multiethnic and multi-faith modern nation on the basis of official lies and broken promises and agreements the founders of modern Burma made. 

May I remind us all that the late U Aung San held dearly “love of truth” as a guiding principle of his life and politics. He had written and talked to his friends about how much he wanted to instill this value in his 3 children. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would know this incomparably better than me, for sure. 

For the military leaders who studied at the Defense Services Academy for 4 full years, you would recall that all officer cadets were required to read a collection of essays by and about the Tatmadaw’s founding father, U Aung San, entitled “The Thoughts, the Conducts and the Deeds of General Aung San”, which portrayed him as the model leader – honest, compassionate, selfless, non-greedy and genuine patriot with an open intellectual mind. 

One would expect both U Aung San’s children and his institutional sons of the military will emulate his impeccable record in uploading truths in his short-live political life. 

The leaders who deny Rohingya existence in our country against all verifiable facts about the Rohingya are in effect spitting on Aung San’s remains. The leaders who treat non-Bama ethnic minorities are betraying U Aung San’s Big Tent dream and vision of the Federal Union of Burma as a place where citizenship is both color and faith-blind and where the “indigenous” simply meant anyone who was born on the Burmese soil and who wishes to contribute to the building of a multi-ethnic country. 

In the midst of optimism among the mainstream Burmese majority as well as the international cheerleaders of “Myanmar Spring”, it is high time for the 4 leaders to snap out of the dark legacies of the past military rule under which lies are truths and truths are considered treasonous. 

The current system which continues to rest on the past lies needs to be completely overhauled. 

It is imperative that 4 of you, our most influential national leaders, return to U Aung San’s visions and values. After all we are self-proclaimed Buddhists who are to appreciate the short-lived nature of all human lives. As you well-know we equate our fragile and non-permanent human existence to bubbles that spring up the surface of an ocean. 

May I, from the bottom of my heart, urge you to use your most precious time, while alive, to endeavor to end the hell of a slow genocide of the Rohingya and to bring about the cessation of all armed conflicts and wars against our own ethnic brethren in Eastern Myanmar, namely the Kachin, the Shan, the Pa-Oo, the Kokant, etc. 

May you be well in mind and body. May the Rohingya be free from the State’s genocidal persecution.

May the non-Bama minorities be given a new chance to rebuild their war-devastated communities.


​Sincerely,

Maung Zarni
In Permanent Exile, UK​

Dr Zarni analyses Myanmar Leaders' talk BBC World TV, 6 Dec 2015, 11:10 GMT

Dr Zarni analyses Myanmar Leaders' talk BBC World TV, 6 Dec 2015, 11:10 GMT





ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သုိ႔ အိတ္ဖြင့္ေပးစာ



အၿငိမ္းစား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးဦးသန္းေ႐ႊ
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္
တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္

ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၇) ရက္၊ ၂ဝ၁၅

ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား ခင္ဗ်ား။

မဂၤလာပါ

ရာစုႏွစ္ဝက္ၾကာ အာဏာရွင္ / စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး စနစ္ကေန ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္ေျပာင္းဖုိ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး (၄) ဦး ကုိယ္ဖိရင္ဖိ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈေတြကုိ ဖတ္ရၾကားရလုိ႔ ျမန္မာတဦး အေနနဲ႔ အထူးဝမ္းေျမာက္မိပါတယ္။

အလားတူပဲ ရာစုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ရွင္သန္ခဲ့တဲ့ “ငါ့ေခါင္းစား၊ ငါတပါးမင္းျဖစ္” ဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့ ပေဒသရာဇ္ အစဥ္အလာဆုိးႀကီးကုိ ေပ်ာက္ေအာင္၊ ေအးခ်မ္းစြာ တာ၀န္နဲ႔ အာဏာ (တခ်ဳိ႕) လႊဲေပးမယ့္ အစဥ္အလာသစ္ႀကီးကုိ စတင္ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္မယ့္ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြကုိလည္း ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပမွာ ရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာမ်ားက ၾသဘာေပးသံေတြ ဂုဏ္ယူစြာ ၾကားမိပါတယ္။

ဒီလုိ မဂၤလာရွိတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ ေရာင္ျခည္ေတြ သန္းစျပဳလာတဲ့ အခါသမယႀကီးမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေမာင္ဇာနည္ ျပည္သူတေယာက္ရဲ့ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေျပာဆုိခြင့္ အရေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ “ဆုိေရးရွိစ ဆုိခဲ့ေစ” ဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့ ဓေလ့အရေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း တုိင္းရင္းသား ဘာသာစုံ လူထုႀကီး တရပ္လုံးနဲ႔ သက္ဆုိင္တဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ကိစၥရပ္ႀကီး (၂) ခုကုိ တင္ျပလုိက္ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ေနာက္ခံကုိ တုိတုိတုတ္တုတ္ ေျပာရမယ္ဆုိရင္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ရွင္ႀကီး၀မ္းေရာ၊ ရွင္ငယ္ဝမ္းေရာ ဝင္ဖူးပါတယ္။ NLD ကုိ တစုိက္မတ္မတ္ ၂ဝဝ၄ ခုႏွစ္ထိ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ၿပီး စီးပြားေရး သပိတ္ေမွာက္မႈ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈေတြကုိ ကမာၻသိေအာင္ လုပ္တဲ့ ကမ္ပိန္းေတြ ႀကဳိးစား ဦးေဆာင္လုပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံ အစုိးရေတြရဲ့ မူ၀ါဒ မရုိးသားမႈေတြကုိ ျမင္လာလုိ႔ တပ္မေတာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားနဲ႔ လက္တြဲလုပ္ဖုိ႔ လူမုန္းခံ၊ လူကဲ့ရဲ့ခံၿပီး ေျပာခဲ့၊ ဆုိခဲ့ လက္ေတြ႔လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အထဲမွာလည္း ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေရွ႕တန္းက ပါခဲ့ပါတယ္။

လတ္တေလာမွာေတာ့ ဘယ္ဘက္ ဘယ္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမွ အယုံအၾကည္ သိပ္မရွိတာမုိ႔ ျပည္ပမွာဘဲ အေျခခ်ၿပီး ေခါင္းခ်ဖုိ႔ စဥ္းစားထားရာက အလြန္အရုပ္ဆုိးတဲ့ တမ်ဳိးသားလုံး တုိင္းျပည္တျပည္လုံးနဲ႔ ဆုိင္တဲ့ ကိစၥႀကီး (၂) ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးထဲမွာ ဆက္ၿပီး ပတ္သက္ေနရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ပထမ အေၾကာင္းအရာႀကီး ကေတာ့ တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ့ ႀကီးႏုိင္ငယ္ညွဥ္း၊ ျပည္တြင္း ကုိလုိနီ စစ္ပြဲေတြေၾကာင့္ ကခ်င္၊ ရွမ္း၊ ပအုိဝ္း၊ ရခုိင္၊ ကုိးကန္႔ စတဲ့ တရားဝင္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေသေၾကပ်က္စီး၊ ဘဝေတြ အနာဂတ္မရွိ၊ သယံဇာေတြ ျပဳန္းတီးမႈေတြကုိ ရပ္တန္႔က ရပ္ဖုိ႔ပါ။

ဒုတိယ အေၾကာင္းအရာႀကီး ကေတာ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလည္း မလုပ္၊ ဘာအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမွလည္း မလုပ္၊ ဘာႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပစ္မႈမွလည္း မက်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့႐ွ္နဲ႔ ဗမာျပည္ (ရခုိင္ျပည္) နယ္စပ္ေန ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မြတ္စလင္ ဘာသာဝင္ သန္းေက်ာ္ကုိ အၿမံဳလုိက္ ဘ၀ပ်က္ေအာင္လုပ္ ကာယဒုကၡ၊ စိတၱဒုကၡ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးၡေပးေန၊ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္၊ အိမ္ေစာင့္အစုိးရေခတ္နဲ႔ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ ေခတ္ဦးပုိင္းက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားခဲ့တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံသား အခြင့္အေရး သာမက ျမန္မာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုသား (တစ္နည္း - တုိင္းရင္းသား) အဆင့္အတန္း၊ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမႈကုိပါ တရား၀င္ ရုပ္သိမ္းၿပီး နည္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ ဒုကၡေပးေနမႈကုိ ရပ္တန္႔ဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တကယ္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီး တႏွစ္အတြင္း ၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၉) ရက္ေန႔ ေန႔စြဲပါ စာနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားက ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးႏုဆီ စာတတန္ ေပတတန္နဲ႔ တရားဝင္ - ၎တုိ႔သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ပါကစၥတန္ႏုိင္ငံက မြတ္စလင္ အမ်ားစု ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္ကုိပဲ သစၥာရွိစြာ၊ ျပည္ခ်စ္စိတ္ရွိစြာနဲ႔ ေနဖုိ႔ သႏၷိ႒ာန္ခ်ထားေၾကာင္း၊ ရခုိင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ညီအစ္ကုိ ေမာင္ႏွမမ်ားနဲ႔လည္း ခ်စ္ခ်စ္ခင္ခင္ အတူတကြ ေနႏုိင္ေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ ရခုိင္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းစြန္ ေဒသျဖစ္တဲ့ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာ၊ ရေသ့ေတာင္ ေဒသကုိ အမ်ားစုက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ျဖစ္တာမုိ႔ ေမယုခရုိင္ဆုိၿပီး ရန္ကုန္အေျခစုိက္ ျမန္မာျပည္ ဗဟုိအစုိးရက တုိက္ရုိက္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေပးဖုိ႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခဲ့တာ သမုိင္း အေထာက္အထား အခုိင္အလုံ ရွိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ တပ္မေတာ္ စိတ္ဓာတ္စစ္ဆင္ေရး ဌာနက ဦးေစာဦးနဲ႔ ဗနသ ဦးခ်စ္လႈိင္ ေခၚ စာေရးဆရာ ကုိကိုေမာင္ႀကီး တုိ႔ ဦးစီးထုတ္ေ၀တဲ့ ေခတ္ေရး စာေစာင္ (ဇူလုိင္ ၁၉၆၁) မွာလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ျမန္မာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုသားမ်ား အေနနဲ႔ သစၥာဆုိၾက၊ ျပည္ခ်စ္စိတ္ျပၾကတာ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီအမ်ဳိးသား အေၾကာင္းကိစၥႀကီး (၂) ခုဟာ ျမန္မာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး သမုိင္း အေထာက္အထား အရေရာ၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီး ေနာက္ပုိင္းတက္ခဲ့တဲ့ အစုိးရေတြရဲ့ (ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေနဝင္းရဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေကာင္စီ အပါအဝင္) တရားဝင္ မွတ္တမ္းမွတ္ရာေတြ အရေရာ၊ ဗုဒၶတရားေတာ္ အရေရာ ေျပာရမယ္ဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရွိ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ဒုစရုိက္ေတြ အဓမၼေတြ က်ဴးလြန္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဘြင္းဘြင္းပဲ ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာမဟုတ္တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ (ရွမ္း၊ ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္နီနဲ႔ ခ်င္း) မ်ားကုိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ / ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းက “ကခ်င္ တက်ပ္၊ ဗမာ တက်ပ္၊ ရွမ္း တက်ပ္” ဆုိၿပီး ကတိခံ၊ မိမိဆႏၵအရ ဗမာ / ျမန္မာေတြနဲ႔ ေပါင္းၿပီး အဂၤလိပ္ ကုိလုိနီေခတ္လြန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကီး ထူေထာင္ဖုိ႔ ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ စည္းလုံးႏုိင္ခဲ့လုိ႔ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ႀကီး ဆုိတာ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ (၁ဝ) ႏွစ္ေပါင္းလုပ္၊ ေပါင္းေနၿပီးလုိ႔ ဗမာေတြ အႏုိင္က်င့္၊ ႏွိပ္စက္၊ ကတိဖ်က္တယ္ ဆုိရင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုထဲက ခြဲထြက္ႏုိင္ခြင့္ဆုိတာကုိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ကုိယ္တုိင္ကတိေပးၿပီး စာနဲ႔ေပနဲ႔ စာခ်ဳပ္ထဲမွာ ထည့္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး အႀကံေပးလုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေရႊရဲ့ သြားေလသူ မိခင္ႀကီး မဟာေဒဝီစဝ္ဟိန္ခမ္းရဲ့ ကုိယ္တုိင္ေရး လက္ေရးစာထဲမွာ (၁ဝ) ႏွစ္ၾကာလုိ႔ အဆင္မေျပရင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ ရွိေရးကုိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ကုိယ္တုိင္ ယုံၾကည္မႈ တည္ေဆာက္တဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ထည့္ေပးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။

ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ မြတ္စလင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆရာႀကီး ဦးရာဇတ္အပါအဝင္ တျခား အာဇာနည္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား က်ဆုံးၿပီးတာနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ့ ကတိစကားေတြကုိ သူ႔အရုိက္အရာခံ ဗမာႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စစ္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက သဲထဲ ေရသြန္သလုိလုပ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ဗမာေတြက ကတိမတည္၊ မရုိးသားခဲ့လုိ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား အားလုံး လက္နက္ကုိင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေတြ မႈိလုိ ေပါက္ခဲ့ရျခင္း၊ ျပည္တြင္း စစ္မီး ေတာက္ေလာင္ခဲ့ရ၊ ေတာက္ေလာင္ေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အလားတူစြာပဲ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိး၊ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္း တၿပဳံလုံးကုိ လူမ်ဳိး အမည္နာမက အစ စားဝတ္ေနေရး၊ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံသား အေရးကုိ မူဝါဒခ်၊ ဗ်ဴဟာမ်ဳိးစုံ၊ ဥာဏ္နီ ဥာဏ္နက္မ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ အစုိးရ စစ္တပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ရခုိင္ အမ်ဳိးသား အစြန္းေရာက္ ဝါဒီမ်ား ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး လုပ္ေနတာ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ (၄) ခုထဲကုိ ေရာက္လာပါၿပီ။

ဖယ္ဒရယ္မူနဲ႔ အႏွစ္သာရကုိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း က်ဆုံးၿပီးမွ သူ႔အရုိက္အရာခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလုိ တၿမဳံလုံး ဘဝပ်က္၊ နာမဖ်က္ လုပ္ငန္းေတြကုိေတာ့ တခ်ိန္က တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ့ ေမြးစားဖခင္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေနဝင္း ကုိယ္တုိင္ လုပ္သြားတာပါ။ သူ႔လက္နဲ႔ ေရးခဲ့တာကုိ သူ႔ေျခနဲ႔ ဖ်က္ခဲ့တာပါ။ အိမ္ေစာင့္အစုိးရ ဝန္ႀကီး ခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဝန္ႀကီး အေနနဲ႔ပါ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေနဝင္း မီးစိမ္းျပခဲ့လုိ႔ တခ်ိန္က သူ႔ညာလက္ရုံးႀကီးမ်ား ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဒုဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႀကီး၊ ဒုဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီး ေက်ာ္စုိး၊ ရခုိင္တပ္ေပါင္းစုမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ဒုဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးရဲေခါင္နဲ႔ ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗုိလ္မွဴးအံ့ႂကြယ္ အပါအဝင္ တပ္မေတာ္အရာရွိႀကီးမ်ား ကုိယ္တုိင္ ၁၉၆၁ မွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြ [မူဂ်ာဟင္ဒင္း (သုိ႔) စစ္သူရဲႀကီးမ်ား] လက္နက္ခ်၊ အလင္းဝင္ၿပီး ျပည္ေထာင္စု ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား၊ သစၥာခံမ်ား အေနနဲ႔ တင္းျပည့္ က်ပ္ျပည့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား ႏုိင္ငံသား အေနနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးစု တခုလုံးကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေပး၊ ျမန္မာ့အသံမွာ မြန္၊ ရွမ္း၊ လားဟူ တုိင္းရင္းသား ဘာသာစကားေတြနဲ႔ တန္းတူ၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဘာသာ အသံလႊင့္ခြင့္ေပး၊ ျမန္မာ့စြယ္စုံက်မ္း (၁၉၆၄) မွာ တရားဝင္ပဲ ေမယုခရုိင္ရဲ့ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာၿမဳိ႕ႀကီး (၂) ၿမဳိ႕နဲ႔ အနီး ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ေက်းလက္ေဒသ အားလုံးဟာ သမုိင္းအေၾကာင္းအရာ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအရာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားရဲ့ ဘုိးစဥ္ေဘာင္ဆက္ ဇာတိခ်က္ျမွဳပ္ ပထဝီဝင္ ေဒသႀကီး ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ အဖုိးေလး၊ ဗုိလ္မွဴးအံ့ႂကြယ္ (ေဇယ်ေက်ာ္ထင္၊ ေမာ္ကြန္း၀င္ ပထမအဆင့္) ကုိယ္တုိင္ ၁၉၆၁ မွာ ေမယုခရုိင္ရဲ့ ဒုတိယ အႀကီးဆုံး စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး လုပ္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တုိင္းရင္းသားျပဳမႈ၊ အမည္နာမကုိ လက္ခံအသိအမွတ္ျပဳမႈ၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ့ မူလဘူတ ခ်က္ျမွဳပ္ရာ ပထဝီေဒသ သတ္မွတ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းေပးမႈေတြကုိ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီး ကုိယ္တုိင္ သူသက္ရွိထင္ရွားရွိစဥ္က “ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္းေအာင္ႀကီး” အမည္အရင္းနဲ႔ တုိင္းျပည္သိေအာင္ သမုိင္းလိမ္လုိ႔မရေအာင္ ေရးသားေဖာ္ထုတ္ထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ အဖုိးေလး ဗုိလ္မွဴးအံ့ႂကြယ္ (ကြယ္လြန္) ဆုိတာ တျခားသူ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး (အၿငိမ္းစား) ဦးသန္းေရႊရဲ့ အထက္အရာရွိ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဗမာ့ေသနတ္ကုိင္တပ္ရင္း (၁) က ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္စိန္၀င္း (ကြယ္လြန္) [ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီဝင္ မဆလ ေခတ္ဦး ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ့ တပည့္] ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ တပ္မေတာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား အေျမာ္အျမင္ႀကီးစြာ၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာသူပုန္ကိစၥကုိ ေျဖရွင္းစဥ္ကာလ၊ ယခုလက္ရွိ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ (DSA အပတ္စဥ္ ၉) နဲ႔ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္ (DSA အပတ္စဥ္ ၁၉) ဟာ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္း၊ မူလတန္းေက်ာင္းေတြ တက္တဲ့ အရြယ္ပဲ ရွိပါဦးမယ္။

ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီး ကုိယ္တုိင္ေရး ေဆာင္းပါးထဲက သက္ဆုိင္တဲ့ ေကာက္ႏႈတ္ခ်က္ကုိ တင္ျပပါရေစ။

“စစ္ရုံးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ ယခု ယုိးဒယား နယ္စပ္ ကိစၥကုိ စစ္ရုံးခ်ဳပ္က အျမဲ ဂရုစုိက္သလုိ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာ ကိစၥကုိ ဂရုစုိက္ခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ မူဂ်ာဟစ္မ်ား လက္နက္ခ်ပါသည္။ ထုိလက္နက္ခ်ပြဲတြင္ ၎တုိ႔က ထုိနယ္သားမ်ားကုိ ေခၚေတာဟုလည္း မေခၚရန္၊ ဘဂၤလီဟုလည္း မေခၚရန္၊ စစ္တေကာင္းကုလားမ်ား ဟုလည္း မေခၚရန္၊ ရခုိင္မြတ္စလင္ ဟူေသာ အမည္နာမကုိလည္း မလုိခ်င္၊ သူတုိ႔ကုိ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) အေရွ႕သားဟု အာရဗစ္ စကားႏွင့္ အဓိပၸာယ္ရွိေသာ နာမည္ကုိ ေခၚရန္ တင္ျပၾကပါတယ္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးရာတြင္လည္း ၎တုိ႔က အယူဝါဒအရ ဘာသာကုိ အစြဲမျပဳဘဲ ေဒသကုိ အစြဲျပဳေသာ ၎တုိ႔နာမည္ကုိ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ျပရာ စစ္ဖက္ရုံးခ်ဳပ္မွ လူႀကီးမ်ား ေဆြးေႏြးၿပီး၊ ဥပမာ - ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ မွီတင္းေနထုိင္၍ ေရွးယခင္ အဂၤလိပ္တုိ႔ အမည္ေပး ေခၚေ၀ၚခဲ့ေသာ လဝ လူမ်ဳိးကုိ ဝလူမ်ဳိးဟု ေခၚဘိသကဲ့သုိ႔ ကရင္နီဟု ေခၚတြင္ေသာ ေတာင္ေပၚ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးစုက ကယားလူမ်ဳိးဟု ေခၚျခင္း၊ ယခင္က တလုိင္းဟု ေခၚၾကေသာ ေဝါဟာရကုိ မြန္ဟု ေျပာင္းျခင္းမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ သေဘာထား၍ ကုိးကန္႔နယ္၊ ဝနယ္၊ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား၊ ပူတာအုိ၏ ေျမာက္ပုိင္းႏွင့္ အေရွ႕ပုိင္း၊ က်ဳိင္းတုံ ေျမာက္ပုိင္း ေဒသတုိ႔ စုေပါင္း၍ စစ္ရုံးခ်ဳပ္ေအာက္တြင္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး တခု ဖြင့္လွစ္၍ နယ္စပ္ဖြံ႔ၿဖဳိးမႈ က်ယ္ျပန္႔စြာ လုပ္ေရး အစီအစဥ္တြင္ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာ ေဒသကုိ ေမယုေဒသဟု သတ္မွတ္ၿပီး၊ စစ္ရုံးမွ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရန္ တင္ျပၿပီး၊ အစုိးရ ကက္ဘိနက္မွ လက္ခံသျဖင့္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးေစာျမင့္ကုိ ထုိေဒသမ်ား အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ခန္႔အပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ နာမည္ကုိလည္း ရခုိင္မြတ္စလင္အစား ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာသုံးခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့ပါသည္။” [စာညြန္း။ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္းေအာင္ႀကီး “ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျဖရွင္းခဲ့ရေသာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ျပႆနာ” - ကၽြန္ေတာ္သိေသာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာ။ ျပည္ေထာင္စု အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ဒီမုိကေရစီပါတီ (Union Nationals Democratic Party – UNDP) သတင္းလႊာ - ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၁၉၉၂ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၈]

DSA ပထမဦးဆုံး အပတ္စဥ္က ဗုိလ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေမာင္ေသာင္း၊ ေမာင္ေအာင္၊ ထြန္းၾကည္၊ ဥာဏ္လင္း စတဲ ့အထင္ကရ အရာရွိႀကီးမ်ားေတာင္ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္မွာ (၂) ဘားတင္ ဗုိလ္ႏုႏု ဘဝပဲ ရွိပါေသးတယ္။

တပ္မေတာ္ တခုလုံး၊ ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဌာနတခုလုံး၊ ဒုဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ေအာင္ႀကီးတုိ႔ အပါအဝင္ အရာရွိႀကီးမ်ား ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားနဲ႔ သေဘာတူညီမႈ တရားဝင္ရယူခဲ့တာေတြကုိ ၁၉၇ဝ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ဦးေနဝင္းႀကီး ကုိယ္တုိင္ တရားပ်က္ ကတိပ်က္လုိ႔ ယေန႔ မ်က္ေမွာက္ ကမာၻမွာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အစုိးရနဲ႔ ရခုိင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး၀ါဒီေတြဟာ Genocide ေခၚ လူမ်ဳိးစု အၿပဳံလုိက္ ေခ်မႈန္းေရး၊ (သတ္တယ္ အၾကမ္းဖက္တယ္ ဆုိတာ အမ်ဳိးတုံး ေခ်မႈန္းေရး စီမံကိန္းရဲ့ ၅ ပုံ ၁ ပုံ ေသာ အစိတ္အပုိင္းတခုပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ့ New Delhi တကၠသုိလ္က ဆရာေဟာင္း တဦးနဲ႔ ကြယ္လြန္သူ ခင္ပြန္း Dr. Michael Aris ရဲ့ မိတ္ေဆြရင္း ျဖစ္တဲ့ စီးပြားေရး ႏုိဗယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ပါေမာကၡ Amartya Sen ကုိယ္တုိင္က ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမုန္းတီးေရး စိတ္ေတြ ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထုထဲ ျပန္႔ပြားေအာင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ သက္ေသ သကၠာယေတြရွိေၾကာင္း၊ လူမ်ဳိးတခုကုိ အၿပဳံလုိက္ ေခ်မႈန္းတယ္ဆုိတာ ဓားနဲ႔ထုိး၊ ေသနတ္နဲ႔ ပစ္ရုံမက အစာငတ္၊ ေရငတ္၊ ေဆးဝါးျဖတ္၊ အလုပ္ျဖတ္ စတဲ့ နည္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ မ်ွင္းၿပီး ေခ်မႈန္း သတ္ျဖတ္လုိ႔ ရေၾကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ဒီနည္းေတြကုိ သုံးေနေၾကာင္း Nov. 2014 Harvard တကၠသုိလ္ ကြန္ဖရင့္မွာ ကမာၻသိေအာင္ ရွင္းလင္းျပသြားၿပီးသားပါ။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိလည္း Harvard တကၠသုိလ္လာလည္စဥ္ကာလ (၂ဝ၁၃ ခုႏွစ္မွာ) ညစာစားရင္း ပညာရွိနည္းနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ဒုကၡ၊ သုကၡေရာက္တာ တုိင္းျပည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးအေနနဲ႔ လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈမထားဖုိ႔ ေျပာခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ပါေမာကၡ Sen က ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ကုိ ကုိယ္တုိင္ ေျပာခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္။

ဇြန္ ၁၂ ရခုိင္ျပည္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈစၿပီး ဥေရာပ ပထမ ခရီးစဥ္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ILO (ကမာၻ႔ အလုပ္သမား အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္) - သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ႏွိပ္ကြပ္မႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြ အေမးခံခဲ့ရတာလည္း မွတ္မိမွာပါ။ ဂ်နီဗာမွာ သတင္းစာဆရာမ်ားက “ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြက ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြ ဆုိတာ ဟုတ္ပါသလား ကစၿပီး အေျဖရက်ပ္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြ ေမးတဲ့ေနာက္ ရခုိင္အမ်ဳိးသားပါတီက တိေမြးကု ဆရာဝန္ ေဒါက္တာေအးေမာင္ တုိ႔ကလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတဲ့ စကား ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ပါးစပ္က ထြက္ရင္ ရခုိင္ေတြ NLD ကုိ လုံး၀ မေထာက္ခံဘူးလုိ႔ အက်ပ္ကုိင္တာေတြ လုပ္လာတာကုိ ရေသ့ေတာင္ ရခုိင္ကြန္ဖရင့္မွာ ေဒါက္တာေအးေမာင္ ကုိယ္တုိင္ ရခုိင္ျပည္သူေတြကုိ ေျဗာင္ဖြင့္ခ် ၿပီးသားပါ။ ဒီလုိ အေျခအေနေတြထဲမွာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ သတင္း၊ ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ေတြ ေမးတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာနဲ႔ ဆုိင္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းမွန္သမွ် ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မသိဘူး ဘူးခံ၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ေဝ့လည္ေၾကာင္ပတ္ လုပ္ခဲ့တာ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ကမာၻသိပါ။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က LSE ေခၚ လန္ဒန္တကၠသုိလ္ စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံေက်ာင္းမွာ ဇြန္လ (၁၈)၊ ၂ဝ၁၂ တုန္းက Rule of Law ေဟာေျပာ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ ပါဝင္ခဲ့တာကုိလည္း မွတ္မိမယ္လုိ႔ ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္။ ၿဗိတိသွ်အစုိးရ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ “Listening mode” (သုိ႔) နားပဲေထာင္ခ်င္တဲ့ အာသီသ ျပင္းျပၿပီး သိပ္မေျပာခ်င္ဘူးလုိ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ ဥကၠ႒ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္မိတ္ေဆြ ပါေမာကၡ Mary Kaldor ကုိႀကဳိတင္အေၾကာင္းၾကားလုိ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းကုိ မင္းပဲေျဖပါလုိ႔ ပေရာ္ဖက္ဆာ Kaldor က ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ကုိ ႀကဳိတင္တာဝန္ေပးထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္လည္း မဟုတ္၊ အစုိးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတဦးလည္း မဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာက စုိးရိမ္တႀကီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ၿပီး ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ တတုိင္းျပည္လုံး တမ်ဳိးသားလုံး အသေရပ်က္ေစၿပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးစု တစုလုံး လူလုံးမလွ ဒုကၡ ေသာင္းေျခာက္ေထာင္ ေရာက္ရတဲ့ ကိစၥကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ကုိယ္တုိင္ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရေရာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အျမင္ ရႈေထာင့္ကပါ ေျပာခဲ့တာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကုိယ္ေတြ႔မ်က္ျမင္ပါပဲ။

ယေန႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြထဲမွာ အမွန္တရားဆုိၿပီး လက္ခံ ယုံၾကည္ေနၾကတာက “ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာ လံၾကဳတ္ခုိးဝင္ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ” တကယ့္ သမုိင္းအမွန္ အျဖစ္အပ်က္အမွန္က ေရွးပေဝသဏီကတည္းက ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံရဲ့ နယ္ျခားေဒသတုိင္းမွာ ေနတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားအားလုံးဟာ ကုိလုိနီေခတ္လြန္ကာလမွာမွ ေပၚေပါက္လာတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံသစ္မ်ားထဲမွာ ဟုိဘက္ေရာ ဒီဘက္ေရာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့၊ ေနထုိင္တဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကုိ နယ္ျခားေဒသေတြမွာ ကုိယ္ေတြ႔ သြားေရာက္ေနထုိင္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိႀကီးေတြ [ဥပမာ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီး (ကြယ္လြန္)] က ၁၉၅ဝ - ၁၉၆ဝ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက သေဘာေပါက္ နားလည္ခဲ့သလုိ မႏုႆေဗဒ ပညာရွင္ေတြ အားလုံးကလည္း ပညာရွင္ သုေတသီမ်ား အေနနဲ႔ သုေတသန ကြင္းဆင္းေလ့လာမႈ အေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး “နယ္နိမိတ္ လူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား” (Borderland Peoples) ကုိ လက္ခံ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီခုိး၀င္ဘဂါၤလီမ်ား ဆုိတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔အျမင္ ဖန္တီးတာက တပ္မေတာ္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၂ မွာ ေထာင္ၿပီး ၂၀၁၃ မွာမွ ျပန္လည္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့တဲ့ “နစက” အဖြဲ႔ရဲ့ တည္ေထာင္သူလည္းျဖစ္၊ အႀကီးအကဲလည္း ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေဟာင္းခင္ညြန္႔ ကုိယ္တုိင္က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ကာကြယ္ေရး တကၠသုိလ္ (အဲဒီတုန္းကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ေကာလိပ္ေပါ့) မွာ ၁၉၉ဝ အေစာပုိင္းေလာက္က ထိပ္တန္းလွ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္ သတ္မွတ္တဲ့ ေဟာေျပာမႈမွာ “ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္မွာ မြတ္စလင္ဘာသာဝင္မ်ား” အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ကုိ ထြက္ေျပးတာပဲ ရွိတယ္။ ဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံ ဆက္ဆံေရး ခုိးလုိးခုလု ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကုိ ရွင္းျပသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ [အညြန္း - (ဦးခင္ညြန္႔ႏွင့္ အင္တာဗ်ဴး ျမတ္ခုိင္) ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၁၇၊ ၂ဝ၁၄၊ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၁၃၆]

ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးခင္ညြန္႔ ကုိယ္တုိင္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္အဆင့္ တက္မယ့္ စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြကုိ ေပးတဲ့ ထိပ္တန္းလွ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္ လက္ျခာ (Lecture) ထဲမွာ ရခုိင္ဘက္က မြတ္စလင္ကုလားေတြ ဘဂၤလားျပည္ကုိ ထြက္ေျပးေနတယ္လုိ႔ တုိးတုိးတိတ္တိတ္ေျပာ - ျပည္သူလူထုၾကားထဲမွာေတာ့ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ အေနာက္တံခါးႀကီး ေပါက္လုိ႔ အစုလုိက္ အၿပဳံလုိက္ ခုိးဝင္ေနၾကတယ္ ဆုိၿပီး သတင္းမမွန္လႊင့္၊ ေဖာင္ႀကီး ၀န္ထမ္း တကၠသုိလ္မွာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးခင္ညြန္႔ရဲ့ တပည့္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ - ခုထိေထာင္က်ေနဆဲ - တန္ျပန္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္သန္းထြန္း (ေဒၚစုရဲ့ contact ေဟာင္း) နဲ႔ ဝိုင္းေတာ္သားေတြက ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမမ်ား၊ တျခား ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားကုိ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ ဘယ္လုိခုိး၀င္ေနေၾကာင္း မဟုတ္မမွန္သတင္းေတြ ရုိက္ထည့္ဆုိေတာ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းဆယ္စုႏွစ္ ၾကာလာတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအသံၾကားရင္ ခုိး၀င္ဘဂၤါလီလုိ႔ လြယ္လြယ္ကူကူ လက္ခံၾကတာေပါ့။ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ ကုိယ္တုိင္က ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမုန္းတီးေရး၊ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးေတြကုိ စီမံကိန္းခ်ၿပီး လုပ္ခဲ့တာေတြ သက္ေသ မွတ္တမ္းမွတ္ေတြ ေတာင္လုိ ပုံလုိ႔။

ဦးေနဝင္းႀကီး စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အေနနဲ႔ တုိင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၆) ႏွစ္ ကာလအတြင္းမွာ တပ္မေတာ္ဖခင္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ့ ကတိကဝတ္ ျပဳခဲ့တာေတြ၊ ပုိဆုိးတာက သူကုိယ္တုိင္ ပါလီမန္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္နဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ မူလ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒကုိ စစ္သားတဦး အေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္လုိ ဦးထိပ္ထားၿပီး ကာကြယ္မယ္ ေျပာခဲ့တာ၊ ဥပေဒနဲ႔မူကုိ လက္ဖမုိးလုိ႔ ေမွာက္ခ်ီလွန္ခ်ီ လုပ္ခဲ့တာ တတုိင္းျပည္လုံး သိပါတယ္။

ဦးေနဝင္းႀကီး အရုိက္အရာခံခဲ့တဲ့ ဦးသန္းေရႊ၊ ဦးေမာင္ေအး၊ ဦးခင္ညြန္႔နဲ႔ လက္ရွိ ဦးသိန္းစိန္၊ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္တုိ႔လည္း ေမွာက္ခ်ီလွန္ခ်ီ သစၥာမတည္ဆုိတဲ့ အစဥ္အလာဆုိးႀကီးနဲ႔ ဆက္လက္ ခ်ီတက္ေနၾကလုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အမိျမန္မာျပည္ႀကီးလည္း ကေမာက္ကမေတြျဖစ္၊ တုိင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူေတြကလည္း ဘဝေတြ ကစဥ္႔ကလ်ား၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြလည္း လူမ်ဳိးတၿမဳံတသုိက္ႀကီး ဒုကၡပင္လယ္ေဝ၊ လယ္သမား၊ အလုပ္သမား၊ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြလည္း လယ္ပ်က္ ယာပ်က္ အလုပ္ပ်က္၊ ဘဝပ်က္။

အဓိကကေတာ့ စစ္ေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား အတၱစိတ္ေတြ၊ ေမာဟစိတ္ေတြ ေရွ႕ထား အမွန္တရားကုိ အမွားတရားလုပ္ အမွားတရားကုိ အမွန္လုိ ေရငုံႏႈတ္ပိတ္ ေနခဲ့ၾကလုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ တုိင္းျပည္ႀကီး ေဝသာလီ ျပည္ပ်က္ႀကီးလုိ စစ္မီး၊ လူမ်ဳိးမီး၊ ဘာသာမီးေတြနဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရကတည္းက ဒုကၡေပါင္းစုံ ျပႆနာေပါင္း ေသာင္းေျခာက္ေထာင္ ႀကဳံခဲ့ ႀကဳံရဆဲ ျဖစ္ေနတာပါ။

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္၊ တာ၀န္လႊဲေပးတာ တခုတည္းနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ျပႆနာႀကီး ႏွစ္ရပ္ (၁) ျပည္တြင္း ကုိလုိနီစစ္နဲ႔ (၂) ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတၿမဳံလုံး ေခ်မႈန္းမႈ စီမံကိန္းႀကီး ရပ္သြားဖုိ႔ အလားအလာ မျမင္ပါ။

ေနာက္ဆုံး အေနနဲ႔ ေျပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ ျမန္မာေတြရဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာ love of truth (အမွန္တရားကုိ ခ်စ္ျမတ္ႏုိးျခင္း) ဆုိတဲ့ လူသား တန္ဖုိး စံနမူနာတခုလုိ သူ႔သားသမီး သုံးေယာက္လုံးကုိပါ အလြန္လုိက္နာ က်င့္သုံးေစခ်င္ေၾကာင္း ေရးခဲ့ေျပာခဲ့သလုိ လက္ရွိ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ဗုိလ္ေလာင္းဘဝမွာ ဖတ္ခဲ့ရမယ့္ စစ္တကၠသုိလ္မွာ ျပ႒ာန္းခဲ့တဲ့ “ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ အျပဳအမူ၊ အက်င့္အႀကံႏွင့္ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား” ဆုိတဲ့ စာအုပ္အရဆုိရင္လည္း ေနာင္တေခတ္၏ ေအာင္စစ္သည္မ်ားဟာ အမွန္တရားကုိ ခ်စ္ျမတ္ႏုိး၊ အမွန္တရားကုိ အေျခခံထားက်င့္တဲ့ လူေကာင္းမ်ား၊ ႏုိင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေကာင္းမ်ား စစ္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေကာင္း မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္သင့္ပါတယ္။

“ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ မရွိ” ဆုိၿပီး အမွန္တရားကုိ ပဲႀကီးေလွာ္ေလာက္ေတာင္ တန္ဖုိးမထားတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ကတိက၀တ္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ “ဗမာ တက်ပ္၊ ရွမ္း တက်ပ္” ဆုိတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား အားလုံး သာတူညီမွ်ေရး မူ၀ါဒကုိ ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ကာကာ အယုံအၾကည္ မထားတာ၊ ဟန္ေဆာင္ ဖယ္ဒရယ္မူ ေအာ္ၾကတာမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ သြားေလသူ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ေန႔စဥ္ တံေတြးနဲ႔ေထြး၊ မ်က္ႏွာအုိးမဲ သုတ္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူပါပဲ။

ဒီမုိကရစီ စနစ္၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္နဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီ လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ကုိ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ၿပီး ထူေထာင္ေနတဲ့ ကာလသစ္ႀကီးမွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ဆယ္စုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာက အဘ-အဘမ်ား အစဥ္ဆက္က က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အမွားတရားမ်ား၊ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒုစရုိက္လုပ္ငန္းႀကီးမ်ား ျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္တြင္း ကုိလုိနီစနစ္နဲ႔ စစ္ကုိေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ဳိးစု အၿပဳံလုိက္ ေခ်မႈန္းေရးကုိေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ရပ္တန္႔က ရပ္ၾကဖုိ႔၊ ျမန္မာတဦး၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ တဦး တခ်ိန္က တပ္မေတာ္ကုိ အလြန္ေလးစား တပ္မေတာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကုိ အလြန္တန္ဖုိး ထားခဲ့ဖူးသူ တဦးအေနနဲ႔ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ဆုံးအေနနဲ ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေဆြမ်ဳိးသားခ်င္း အားလုံးက အမိျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စစ္ေရးကုိ ကုန္းေဘာင္ေခတ္၊ ပေဒသရာဇ္ စနစ္ လက္ထက္ကတည္းက ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္ခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။

အဖုိးေလး တေယာက္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးအံ့ႂကြယ္ (ကြယ္လြန္) က ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး (အၿငိမ္းစား) ဦးသန္းေရႊနဲ႔ ဇနီး ေဒၚႀကဳိင္ႀကဳိင္ကုိ သူကုိယ္တုိင္ တပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဘ၀က ကမကထလုပ္ၿပီး လက္ထပ္ေပးခဲ့သူ ျဖစ္သလုိ ေနာက္ အဖုိးေလး တဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ကြယ္လြန္သူ ဦးဇန္ရင္ (ဝဏၰေက်ာ္ထင္) က ေဒၚစု ဖခင္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ေက်ာင္းသား ကုိေအာင္ဆန္း ဘ၀ကတည္းက ရန္ကုန္တကၠသုိလ္ ပဲခူးေဆာင္မွာ အခန္းခ်င္းကပ္၊ အတူေနသူ သူငယ္ခ်င္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ကုိေအာင္ဆန္း အိပ္ရာထ ေနာက္က်တုိင္း အေဆာင္မွာ မ်က္ႏွာသစ္စရာ ေရမရွိတဲ့ ေန႔ေတြမွာ သူခင္တဲ့ ေလးစားတဲ့ ကုိေအာင္ဆန္းကုိ သူ႔ေသာက္ေရအတြက္ သိမ္းထားတဲ့ ေရတေကာင္းထဲက ေရနဲ႔ ေန႔စဥ္လုိလုိ မ်က္ႏွာသစ္၊ သန္႔ရွင္းေစခဲ့တဲ့ သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ မဆလေခတ္ ေက်ာင္းသား၊ ေက်ာင္းသူတုိင္း ႏႈတ္တုိက္က်က္ ရြတ္ဆုိခဲ့တဲ့ “ေမာင္တုိ႔ၾကားကုန္ေလာ့ …” နဲ႔ စခ်ီတဲ့ “ေရွးေခတ္ ပုဂံျပည္” ဆုိတဲ့ ကဗ်ာႀကီးကုိ ေနသူရိန္ ညီလာခံႀကီး မွာ သံခ်ဳိအေနနဲ႔ ဆုိရင္း မ်ဳိးခ်စ္စိတ္၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစိတ္ ျပန္႔ပြားေအာင္ တတပ္တအား ပါ၀င္လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့ဖူးသူ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

၁၉၈၈ ရွစ္ေလးလုံး အေရးအခင္း မျဖစ္ခင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ အေမရိကန္ကုိ ပုဂၢလိက ပညာေတာ္သင္ဆုနဲ႔ ေက်ာင္းသြားတက္ဖုိ႔ ထြက္သြားရင္းက ကုိယ့္တုိင္းျပည္ႀကီး ဘယ္ေလာက္ ခၽြတ္ၿခဳံက်ၿပီး ျပာပုံတုိးေနတာ မေနႏုိင္လုိ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးနဲ႔၀င္ၿပီး ပတ္သက္ေနတာပါ။ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္နဲ႔ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္လည္း - စရဖခ်ဳပ္ ကုိျမထြန္းဦးတုိ႔၊ သူ႔ဆရာ ယခင္ စရဖခ်ဳပ္ ဒုဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးျမင့္ေဆြ (ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္) တုိ႔ကုိေမးၿပီး ဒီဇာနည္ဆုိတာ ဘယ္လုိလူစားမ်ဳိးလဲ ဆုိတာ ေမးၾကည့္ပါ။

အမတ္ႀကီး ဦးေပၚဦး သာဓက ေပးခဲ့သလုိ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား အားလုံးဟာလည္း အနိစၥ သေဘာနဲ႔ တေန႔မွာ လက္ခ်ည္းဗလာ သြားၾကမယ့္သူေတြပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူ႔ဘဝ ရေတာင့္ရခဲ တုိတုိေလး အခ်ိန္ေလးမွာ အမွန္တရားကုိ အေျခခံတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္နဲ႔ လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ႀကီးကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ၾကဖုိ႔ အႏူးအညြတ္ တုိက္တြန္းအပ္ပါတယ္။

ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး (၄) ဦးလုံး ကာယသုခ၊ စိတၱသုခနဲ႔ ျပည့္စုံၿပီး ေဘးဘယာ အေပါင္း ေ၀းၾကပါေစ။

စစ္ဒုကၡခံ ကခ်င္၊ ရွမ္း၊ ပအိုဝ္း အပါအ၀င္ တုိင္းရင္းသား အားလုံးနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ားလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ ဒုကၡေပးမႈ၊ ႏွိပ္စက္မႈ အဖုံဖုံမွ ကင္းေဝးၾကပါေစ။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဗမာ့ တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႔ ဗမာျပည္သူေတြက ျပည္ေထာင္စု ႏိုင္ငံႀကီးဆိုၿပီး ထူေထာင္ေနတာကို တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ိဳးေတြကေတာ့ သူတို႔ကို ၿဗိတိသွ်ေတြ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕သိမ္းပိုက္ခဲ့သလို မ်ိဳး ကိုလိုနီလက္သစ္လုပ္တာလို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဗမာေတြက အမ်ိဳးသားေန႔၊ အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ ဆိုၿပီး ကိုယ့္ဘာသာသတ္မွတ္ ဂုဏ္ျပဳေနၾကေပမယ့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြမွာလည္း သူတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ အမ်ိဳးသားေန႔ရက္ေတြ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ႐ွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြကို ခုထိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ မခံရဘဲ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္တာေတြ လုပ္ေနလို႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတာ အႏွစ္ ၇ဝ ႐ွိေတာ့မယ္၊ ခုထိ ျပည္ေထာင္စု တဝွမ္းလုံးက တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ဘာသာေပါင္းစုံ ကိုးကြယ္သူေတြ နားလည္ လက္ခံႏိုင္မယ့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုသား အားလုံးနဲ႔ ဆိုင္တဲ့ ယုံၾကည္ယူဆခ်က္၊ မွ်ေဝခံယူခ်က္ ဆိုတာေတြ မ႐ွိဘဲ မေအးခ်မ္းႏိုင္တာေတြ ျဖစ္ေနရတာလို႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္။

အေ၀းေရာက္ျမန္မာျပည္သား

ေမာင္ဇာနည္

Why did the "retired" Senior General Than Shwe meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?



Senior General Than Shwe: Nga Ma Auo Thae Buu 

The prevailing view is that the Old Man wants to ensure that in his final phase of life he is safe from any form of retribution, that his extended family of children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren are safe and that their ill-gotten gains - estimated at $ billions - remain intact. 

I am sure these are elements in Than Shwe's equation. But there is more to his move - that he met the woman whom he set out to destroy in his official stay in power - that is, almost 20 years. 

Here is what I would SPECULATE: 

1) Than Shwe is the Master Strategist, the scriptwriter and the director of the play "Discipline Flourishing Democracy". 

2) As such, he knows his chess pieces/characters very well. he hand-picked a perfect man - Thein Sein, un assuming, non-threatening A Class Liar for the President post, stacked all key positions with the most subservient and loyal generals whom he had groomed and gave jump promotions (for instance, Min Aung Hlain) and sidelined or bypassed the ambitious cameleon with rotten name - Thura Shwe Mann. 

3) He has a perfect sense of timing: remember US Senator Jim Webb and Yattaw thingy? - when Obama was about to create the first major China Containment move (Asian Pivot or Rebalancing)? 

4) He doesn't need assurances or security guarantees from Aung San Suu Kyi or any future elected government as long as his loyalists control the entire Security Sector; their personal control - and the military's institutional interets are guaranteed, constitutionally. 

5) But what Than Shwe is ultimately after is this: THAN SHWE NEEDS TO SHOW THE WORLD WHO REALLY IS THE BOSS WHEN THE EVENTS ARE UNFOLDING SMOOTHLY AS HE IMAGED. 

OF ALL PEOPLE, THAN SHWE - IF NOT HIS USDP STOOGES LIKE HTAY OO OR THEIN SEIN - MUST HAVE KNOWN AUNG SAN SUU KYI WOULD WIN HANDS DOWN IN ANY FREE VOTING PROCESS - IF NOT FREE AND FAIR ELECTION AS WE KNOW IT IN A LIBERAL DEMOCRACY. 

HE WANTS TO TAKE THE CREDIT AS THE DICTATOR WHO FACILITATED THE SEMI-DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. 

But do NOT celebrate this as yet. 

For the military's institutional interests are not necessarily coterminous with those of Than Shwe's family or personal interests. They will soon diverge - if the Old Man allow Aung San Suu Kyi to strip the military of any real power. That is unlikely to happen because the next generation of generals waiting in their wings are not going to wittingly and voluntarily let the democratization process to drastically curb their power, privileges and control. 

The most important issue here to grasp is this: 

Than Shwe-Aung San Suu Kyi meeting is about the Bama or dominant Burmese' interests intertwined with the interests of both Supreme Leaders. 

As such structurally, neither non-Bama could see any shift in politics that will help them realize their dream of federalist Burma. 

And for the Rohingya, the deal excludes their genocide.