Zarni, at the launch of International Pepsi boycott campaign, Chapel Hill, N. Carolina, 27 October 1995

At the London School of Economic "Rule of Law Roundtable", 16 June 2012

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Drafting the Oslo Communique calling for the end to Myanmar's Rohingya Genocide, Voksanaasen, Oslo, 27 May 2015

Giving the Annual Owen M. Kupferschmid Lecture at the Holocaust and Human Rights Project, Boston College Law School, 13 Apr 2015

How best to defend Myanmar and its predominently Buddhist Society

Radical monk U Wirathu speaks to reporters during a conference of the Ma Ba Tha group in Yangon (Photo by Simon Lewis)

My message to the good Buddhists of Myanmar - as opposed to "Nazi Buddhists". So, you are self-acknowledged Buddhists from Myanmar and offended by my naming the rising racism 'Buddhist' Nazism? 

Here is my advice: Start behaving like humans with a conscience, intellect and compassion. The best way to defend the image of Myanmar as a predominantly (and nominally) Buddhist society is to actively oppose the on-going campaigns of anti-Muslim hatred, racism and a genocide against the Rohingya all promoted by the Thein Sein regime with the collaboration of Ma-Ba-Tha and 969.

At Glastonbury, Come hear Dr Maung Zarni give a Burma or Myanmar update, Genocide, Internal Colonial Wars and Ecological Rape

If you are going to ‪Glastonbury‬ this week be sure to look for Dr Zarni.

After a day and a night out rocking and rolling, whoever makes a mistake of coming to hear "Burma Update" they will be greeted with the details of ‪‎Myanmar‬ ‪‎Genocide‬ of ‪Rohingya‬, Myanmar Tatmadaw's (feudal army) internal colonial wars against other indigenous minorities, corporate and crony loot of the country, etc. 

Under Speakers' Forum, the opening session, named "Burma Update", 26th June 2015, Friday, 10-11 am

Glastonbury Line-Up 2015 -- WED 24TH - SUN 28TH JUNE 2015 -- here


Watch Oslo Conference To End Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya


Press Release of Oslo Conference: here

Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya, Quintana, Penny Green and Zarni - Part 1 of 2


Quintana Penny Green Zarni Human Rights Conversation - Part 2 of 2


George Soros: Myanmar's Rohingya Persecution parallels Nazi genocide


Archbishop Desmond Tutu calls for an end to Myanmar's Slow Genocide of Rohingya


Jose Ramos-Horta calls for End of Myanmar's Persecution of Rohingya


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 1 of 3


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 2 of 3


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 3 of 3


Daw Khin Hla, retired Rohingya teacher and refugee, appeals for end to Myanmar's genocide


Oslo Conference Opening Session Interfaith Prayers for peace and opening remarks


Best-Known Burmese Dissident Singer Mun Awng performs for the Rohingya


Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire: Message of Solidarity with Myanmar's Rohingya


Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad on Myanmar's Crimes against Humanity against Rohingya


Q & A from Research Plenary on Myanmar's genocide and beginning of Policy Plenary, Oslo Conference



China - Through A Myanmar Lens

Maung Zarni, London School of Economics






Last Thursday, Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi arrived in China for a five day visit. At a time of rising tensions over China’s alleged assertiveness in the South China Sea the trip is symptomatic of China’s evolving relationship to countries in the region. While Suu Kyi, who chairs Myanmar’s National League of Democracy, has had trouble over her silence on the repression of the Rohingya, her visit made international headlines. Today we ask how the visit benefits both China as well as Suu Kyi in the geo-political game being played out in full view.

This is a report by Wong Yu Han.

Långsamt folkmord pågår i Burma

Demokratiförespråkaren och Buddisten Maung Zarni på Oslokonferensen, som han anordnat för att stoppa Burmas förföljelse av Rohingyas.





Människor som tillhör den muslimska folkgruppen Rohingyas på flykt från Burma i undermåliga båtar har uppmärksammats i media på den senaste tiden. Ofta avvisas de av kringliggande länder eller mördas av människosmugglare. Folkgruppen är enligt FN en av världens mest utsatta - men varför de flyr hör vi mindre om. Experter menar att det pågår ett långsamt folkmord av de nära en miljon Rohinyas som lever i norra Burma. Reportage av Lena Bejerot.

ေအာ္စလိုကြန္ဖရင့္မွ ေပးစာ



စည္သူေအာင္ျမင့္ 
3.6.2015

ကိုမ်ိဳးသန္႔ေရ

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ တစ္ပတ္လံုးလံုး ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ ေနာ္ေဝႏုိင္ငံကို ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္။ ေမလ ၂၆ ကေန ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔အထိ ေအာ္စလိုၿမိဳ႕က ႏိုဘယ္လ္ အင္စတီက်ဳမွာ က်င္းပတဲ့ The Oslo conference to end Myanmar's systematic persecution of Rohingyas ဆိုတဲ့ ႏိုိင္ငံတကာ ကြန္ဖရင့္တစ္ခု တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့တာပါ။ အဲဒီ ကြန္ဖရင့္ကို ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ပညာရွင္ေတြ၊ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ဆုိင္ရာ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ဖူး သူေတြ၊ အစိုးရတာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြ၊ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ိဳးေတြ၊ သတင္းစာ ဆရာေတြ၊ သုေတသီေတြ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကေတာ့ ဆရာေတာ္(၃) ပါး၊ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး (၂) ပါး၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္နဲ႔ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕က စာေရးဆရာ ညီပုေလးတို႔ အတူတကြ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္နဲ႔ ဆရာညီပုေလးက ေလ့လာသူအျဖစ္နဲ႔ တက္ေရာက္ရတာပါ။ ကြန္ဖရင့္ကို မတက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ဆုရွင္ေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္းေတြ၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လွဳပ္ရွားသူေတြက ႀကိဳတင္႐ိုက္ကူးထားတဲ့ ဗီဒီယို ဖိုင္ေတြကေန တဆင့္ အမွာစကားေတြ ပါးခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

ေအာ္စလို ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ကြန္ဖရင့္ကို ေနာ္ေဝဂ်ီယန္ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ အင္စတီက်ဳက ကမကထ လုပ္ ဦးစီးက်င္းပတာပါ။ အစည္းအေဝးအတြက္ Justice for All, Burma Task Force USA; Parliament of the World's Religions; Refugees International (USA); International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) Queen Mary University of London; Harvard Global Equality Initiative (HGEI); Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) စတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ဝိုင္းၿပီး ကူညီပံ့ပိုးေပးၾကပါတယ္။ ေျပာရရင္ ဒီလို ညီလာခံမ်ိဳးကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို လိုလားတဲ့၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြမွာ ပါဝင္ကူညီေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေလ့ရွိတဲ့၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကိုလည္း ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မွဳေတြ ေပးေနတဲ့၊ ႏွစ္စဥ္ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ဆု ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ေလ့ရွိတဲ့ ေနာ္ေဝႏုိင္ငံက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ အင္စတီက်ဳ အေဆာက္အအံုမွာ က်င္းပတာကိုက ထူးျခားေနတယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။

ကြန္ဖရင့္ကို တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သူေတြထဲမွာ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ သူေတြကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အေျခအေနနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကုလသမဂၢကို အစီရင္ခံစာ တင္သြင္းသူေဟာင္း မစၥတာ ကင္တားနား၊ ေနာ္ေဝ ဒု-ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီး၊ ေနာ္ေ၀ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း၊ စကင္ဒီေနးဗီးယား ႏုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ အစိုးရ တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြ၊ ေနာ္ေဝ-ျမန္မာ ေကာ္မတီက တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြ၊ လန္ဒန္ ကြင္းေမရီ တကၠသိုလ္က ပေရာ္ဖက္ဆာ Penny Green၊ ျမန္မာ့အေရးလွဳပ္ရွားသူ ေဒါက္တာ ေမာင္ဇာနည္တို႔ ပါဝင္ၾကပါတယ္။

အစည္းအေဝးကို ဗီဒီယို ႐ုိက္ကူးၿပီး အမွာစကား ပါးသူေတြကေတာ့ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးကို ကူညီအားေပးေနတဲ့၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ လာေရာက္ဖူးၿပီး အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕နဲ႔လည္း ရင္းႏွီးတဲ့ အိုးပင္းဆုိဆိုက္တီး ေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္း တည္ေထာင္သူ ဘီလ်ံနာ သူေဌးႀကီး ေဂ်ာ့ခ်္ဆိုးေရာ့စ္၊ မေလးရွားဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း မဟာသီ မိုဟာမက္၊ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူတူ၊ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရ အိုင္းရစ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လွဳပ္ရွားသူ မာရီမက္ဂြဲ၊ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရ တီေမာ သမၼတ နဲ႔ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဂ်ိဳေဆးရာမို႔ေဟာ္တာ၊ စီးပြားေရးဆုိင္ရာ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရ အမာတာဆင္း စတဲ့ သူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။

ကိုမ်ိဳးသန္႔ေရ
ကြန္ဖရင့္ကေတာ့ ႏွစ္ပိုင္းပါ။ ပထမ တစ္ပိုင္းကေတာ့ အမ်ားျပည္သူ မည္သူမဆို တက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္တဲ့ အပိုင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ကြန္ဖရင့္ က်င္းပေနပံုကို ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ အင္တာနက္ စနစ္ကေန တစ္ကမာၻလံုးကို တုိက္႐ိုက္ ထုတ္လႊင့္ ျပသခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အစည္းအေဝးမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ထိထိခိုက္ခိုက္ ရွိခဲ့တာကေတာ့ ဘီလ်ံနာ သူေဌးႀကီး ေဂ်ာ့ခ်္ဆိုးေရာ့စ္ရဲ႕ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္ေတြပါ။ သူဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထဲ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေရာက္ဖူးသလို၊ အစိုးရ တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြ၊ အတုိက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုဖူးသူပါ။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳအတြက္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အကူအညီေပးေနသူ တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သလုိ၊ လက္ရွိမွာလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အကူးအေျပာင္းအတြက္ အကူအညီေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးေပးဖို႔ စိတ္အားထက္သန္ ေနသူလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း သူဟာ အစိုးရရဲ႕ အစီအစဥ္နဲ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕က ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ-ဘဂၤါလီေတြ ေနထုိင္ရာ ရပ္ကြက္ေတြကို သြားေရာက္ၾကည့္ရွဳခြင့္ ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကြန္ဖရင့္ကို ေပးပို႔တဲ့ ဗီဒီယို မွတ္တမ္းထဲမွာ အသက္အရြယ္ႀကီးရင့္ၿပီျဖစ္တဲ့ ေဂ်ာ့ဆိုးေရာ့စ္ရဲ႕ မ်က္ႏွာဟာ ဝမ္းနည္းေၾကကြဲ ေနပံုေတြ႕ရၿပီး ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တာေတြ၊ စိတ္မေကာင္း ျဖစ္ေနပံုကိုလည္း ေတြ႕ျမင္ရပါ တယ္။ သူေျပာတာက ႐ိုး႐ိုးရွင္းရွင္းေလးပါ။

“ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာတုန္းကလုိပဲ ဇန္နဝါရီလက ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ စတုတၳအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ သြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့စဥ္အတြင္း ေျမျပင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကုိ ကုိယ္တုိင္တပ္အပ္ ျမင္ေတြ႕ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ စစ္ေတြကုိ ခဏသြားလည္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ျပည္နယ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ေဒသခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔ သာမက ရခုိင္လူထုနဲ႔ေရာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြနဲ႔ပါ ေတြ႕ဆုံ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းေ႐ႊ႕ေျပာင္း ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ေရာ၊ ဂက္တုိ (ghetto) လုိ႔သာ ေခၚေဝၚဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတဲ့ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္ အမည္ရ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာအမ်ားစု ေနထုိင္ၾကရတဲ့ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ခုမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကသူေတြနဲ႔ပါ စကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္မွာ ကြၽန္ေတာ့္ရဲ႕ ကေလးဘဝက ပဲ့တင္သံေတြကုိ ျပန္ၾကားရပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ သိၾကတဲ့အတုိင္း ၁၉၄၄ ခုႏွစ္တုန္းက ဘူဒါပက္စ္ၿမိဳ႕က ဂ်ဴးတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ဟာလည္း ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တစ္ေယာက္လုိပါပဲ။ ဒုတိယကမာၻစစ္အတြင္း အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ တခြင္မွာ နာဇီေတြ တည္ေထာင္ထားတဲ့ ဂ်ဴးရပ္ကြက္ေတြလုိပဲ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္ဟာလည္း မိသားစု ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာရဲ႕ မေနခ်င္ဘဲ ေနရတဲ့ အိမ္ရာျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။ ဒီမိသားစုေတြဟာ တစ္ခါက က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ၊ ပညာေရးႏွင့္ အလုပ္အကုိင္ အခြင့္အလမ္းေတြကုိ ရရွိခဲ့ဖူးသူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။

“အခုအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔တေတြဟာ တြင္းဆုံးက်ေအာင္ ခ်ဳိ႕ခ်ဳိ႕ငဲ့ငဲ့ အေျခအေနနဲ႔ ခြဲျခားကန္႔သတ္ခံရတဲ့ဘဝမွာ ဆက္လက္က်ေရာက္ေနေအာင္ ဖိအားေပးတြန္းပုိ႔ျခင္းကုိ ခံေနရပါတယ္။ နာဇီေတြရဲ႕ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္း သတ္ျဖတ္မႈနဲ႔ တုႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ဖြယ္ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာ အလန္႔တၾကား ျဖစ္ေလာက္ပါတယ္။ ကံေကာင္းေထာက္မစြာ အစုလုိက္အၿပဳံလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း အဆင့္ အထိေတာ့ မေရာက္ေသးပါဘူး” လို႔ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ အဲဒီ ကြန္ဖရင့္ကေန ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ျမန္မာကို ဘယ္လိုျမင္သလဲ၊ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ-ဘဂၤါလီ အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ကိုင္တြယ္ပံုကို ဘယ္လို ရွဳျမင္၊ ဘယ္လိုသေဘာထားၾကသလဲ ဆိုတာ ပိုၿပီး သိလာရပါေၾကာင္း။

က်န္းမာပါေစ
စည္သူေအာင္ျမင့္

Let's stand together against Rohingya Genocide!

Let's stand together against Rohingya Genocide!


ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္နဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဴး


 

ဗမာ ျပည္သူေတြက ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ဆိုၿပီး သိမ္ေမြ႕တယ္၊ ယဥ္ေက်းတယ္ ဆိုတာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ လက္ခံတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လည္း ဗမာလူမ်ိဳး ဗုဒ္ၵဘာသာ တစ္ေယာက္ပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေလာက္ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ မႈိင္းတုိက္တာ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကလည္း ဘယ္ခံႏိုင္မလဲ။


ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္နဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဴး
ျပည္သူ႕ေခတ္ဂ်ာနယ္၊ ၃-၆-၁၅။ အခ်ပ္ပို -၁


ျပည္သူ႔ေခတ္ - ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို လိုလားတဲ့ ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံ ေအာ္စလို ၿမိဳ႕က ႏိုဘယ္လ္ အင္စတီက်ဳမွာ The Oslo conference to end Myanmar's systematic persecution of Rohingyas ဆိုတဲ့ ကြန္ဖရင့္ လုပ္တယ္။ အစည္းအေ၀း တက္သူေတြထဲမွာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ထင္ရွား တဲ့ လူေတြ၊ ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရသူေတြ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး တာ၀န္ယူၾကသူေတြ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀၊ ဆြီဒင္လို စကင္ဒီေနးဗီးယန္းက အစိုးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြ၊ ဒီ အေရးကို ေလ့လာေနတဲ့ ပညာရွင္ေတြ စသျဖင့္ တက္ၾကတာေတြ႕ရ တယ္။ လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြမွာ ပါ၀င္ေနတဲ့ မေလးရွားက အၿငိမ္းစား စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတာင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျပႆ နာနဲ႔ အဓိက သက္ဆုိင္ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြ၊ ဒါမွ မဟုတ္၊ ျမန္မာ သံတမန္ေတြ၊ ရခိုင္တုိင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ တက္တာ မေတြ႕ရဘူး။ သူတို႔ကို မဖိတ္ဘူးလား။ သူတို႔မပါဘဲ က်င္းပရင္ ဒီ ကြန္ဖရင့္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ေတြဟာ တဖက္သတ္ ဆန္မေနႏိုင္ဘူးလား။

ေမာင္ဇာနည္ - အစိုးရဘက္က လူေတြကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဖိတ္ဖို ့ ႀကိဳးစားတယ္။ေျပာမယ္ဆိုရင္ သမ္ၼတအႀကံေပး ဦးေက်ာ္ရင္လိႈင္ဆိုတာ အေမရိကန္ ကုိ ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ပထမႏွစ္ကတည္းက သူ႔ကိုသိတာ။ လက္ရွိ ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ကိုေမာင္ေမာင္အုန္းက ကၽြန္ေတာ္ကို ေတာ္ေတာ္ ခ်စ္တဲ့ သူငယ္ခ်င္းရဲ႕ အစ္ကို။ ဖိတ္မယ္ဆို ဖိတ္လို႔ရတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ နံပါတ္တစ္က လာမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သူတို႔က လာမယ့္သူေတြကို ၾကည့္ လိုက္မယ္။ လာမယ့္သူေတြက ကုလသမဂ္ၢရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဆိုင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အစီရင္ခံစာ ျပဳစုသူ မစ္ၥတာ ကင္တာနားတုိ႔၊ ေျပာမယ့္ သူေတြက ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးတို႔ ေဂ်ာ့ဆိုးေရာ့စ္တို႔၊ အဲဒီေတာ့ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရဘက္က လာမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစား ေသးတယ္။ ေနာ္ေ၀မွာ ျမန္မာသံ႐ံုးရွိလား ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ လိုက္ရွာ တယ္။ ရွိရင္ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ႀကီးကို ဖိတ္ပါ၊ သံအရာရွိကို ဖိတ္ပါဆို ေတာ့။ ကြန္ဖရင့္ ေပါင္းလုပ္တဲ့လူေတြက ဒီေနာ္ေ၀မွာ ျမန္မာသံ႐ံုး လံုး၀မရွိဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ ဖိတ္လို႔မရဘူးတဲ့။ ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြကို ဘာေၾကာင့္ မဖိတ္တာလဲဆိုေတာ့ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဦးေအး ေမာင္က အစ ပညာရွင္လုပ္တဲ့ ဦးေအးခ်မ္း သူတို႔ကစၿပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကို ေျဗာင္လိမ္ေနတာဗ်ာ။ က္ၻာႀကီးကို လိမ္တယ္။ လိမ္တဲ့သူေတြကို ေခၚလာၿပီးေတာ့ ႐ိုး႐ိုးသားသား ဒိုင္ယာေလာ့ခ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ နံပါတ္သံုးအခ်က္က ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြၾကားထဲမွာ ျပႆနာတက္ေနလုိ႔ ေျပလည္ေအာင္ ၾကားထဲကေန Mediate လုပ္တယ္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ျဖန္ေဖ်ေပးမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ လုပ္တဲ့ ကြန္ဖရင့္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒီကြန္ဖရင့္ဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္အပါအ၀င္ ဟားဗတ္တက္ၠသိုလ္မွာပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ လန္ဒန္မွာပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေအာက္စဖို႔ဒ္ မွာပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သုေတသနလုပ္တဲ့သူ အမ်ားစု၊ ေနာက္ဆံုး ယူအန္မွာ လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ မစ္ၥတာ ကင္တာနားလို ပုဂ္ၢိဳလ္ေတြက အစ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔က ဒီျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ ဒုက္ၡသုက္ၡေရာက္တဲ့ရင္းျမစ္ကို လိုက္ လိုက္ေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ဘာသြားေတြ႕လဲဆိုေတာ့ သူက လူမ်ဳိးတုန္း သတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ အေခၚအေ၀ၚက မွားေနတယ္။ Genocide ဆိုတာ လူမ်ိဳးတုန္းသတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။လူမ်ိဳးတစ္မ်ိဳး ဘာသာတစ္ခုကို ယံုၾကည္တဲ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတစ္ခုကို ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္တာ။ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလ ရ၀မ္ဒါႏိုင္ငံမွာ လူ ရွစ္သိန္းနဲ႔ ကိုးသိန္းၾကားကို သံုးလေလးလ အတြင္းမွာ သတ္ျပစ္လိုက္တယ္။ ေနာက္ ကေ္ၻာဒီးယားႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျဖစ္ တာလည္း ဒီတိုင္းပဲ။ ၁၉၇၅ နဲ႔ ၇၉ ၾကား ေလးႏွစ္နီးနီးၾကာတဲ့အခါမွာ ခမာလူမ်ဳိး ႏွစ္သန္းနီးနီးကို ဒီကြန္ျမဴနစ္အစိုးရက နည္းမ်ဳိးစံုနဲ႔ သတ္ လိုက္တာ ေသသြားတယ္။ အဲေတာ့ သန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ေသတာတင္ မဟုတ္ ဘူး။ ဒီ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာပဲ ေခၚေခၚ ဘဂၤါလီပဲေခၚေခၚ ဒီလူေတြ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ သန္းဂဏန္းနဲ႔ ခ်ီၿပီးရွိတာကို ေထာက္ျပၿပီးေတာ့ လူမ်ဳိးျပဳန္းေအာင္ အမ်ဳိးျပဳတ္ေအာင္ သတ္တယ္လို႔ဆုိတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒီမြတ္စ္လင္ ႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံ သတင္းဌာနေတြက ၀ါဒျဖန္႔တာပါလို႔ဆိုၿပီး ျပည္သူကပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အစိုးရကပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ NLD လို ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီႀကီး ကပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ တုံ႔ျပန္ ေျပာဆိုလာတယ္ဆိုရင္ Genocide ဆိုတဲ့ အဓိပ္ၸာယ္ကို နားမလည္လို႔။ လူ ၂၀ ပဲ သတ္သတ္ လူတစ္ေထာင္ပဲ သတ္သတ္ လူႏွစ္ေသာင္းပဲ သတ္သတ္ ႏွစ္သိန္းပဲ သတ္သတ္ ႏွစ္သန္း ပဲ သတ္သတ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္သတ္တယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ အေရအတြက္က အဓိက မက်ဘူး။ လူေတြကို သြားၿပီး ဒုက္ၡေပး တာ။ မုန္းလို႔ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ သူတို႔ ဥစ္ၥာပစ္ၥည္းကို လုတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဓားျပ တုိက္တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။

အဲဒီလူေတြက သူတို႔ကို သူတုိ႔ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို႔ ေခၚၾကတယ္။ တခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဦးႏုလက္ထက္ကအစ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေန၀င္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေကာင္စီ လက္ထက္အထိ သူတို႔ကို သက္ေသအေထာက္အထားနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား ပါလို႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့တာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ရွိၿပီးသား။ အဲေတာ့ ဒီကိစ္ၥမွာ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို႔ ေခၚေနတာ ေခၚခ်င္လို႔ေခၚေနတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔က ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာဟာ တိုင္းရင္းသား ပါလို႔ သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေနအထား၊ အခြင့္အေရးေပးခဲ့တဲ့ အေနအထား၊ ျပည္သူအေနနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံခဲ့တဲ့ အေနအထားေပၚ မူတည္ၿပီး သူတို႔ကိုယ္ သူတုိ႔ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို႔ ဆက္ေျပာတာ။ အျပစ္က သူတို႔မွာ ရွိတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ နံပါတ္တစ္ တာ၀န္ရွိတာက စစ္အစိုးရအဆက္ဆက္၊ ဦးေန၀င္း
လက္ထက္ ၁၉၇၀ ခုႏွစ္က အစ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရလက္ထက္ထိ၊ အစိုးရ ေလးဆက္ေလာက္က တိုင္းျပည္ကို ညာခဲ့တယ္။

စစ္အစိုးရ အဆက္ဆက္ ျပည္သူကို အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေလာက္ မ်က္စိပိတ္ နားပိတ္ထားတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းသံုးစာအုပ္ကိုလည္း သူတို႔ ပဲကိုင္တယ္။ မီဒီယာကိုလည္း သူတို႔ပဲကိုင္တယ္။ အမွန္တရားေျပာတဲ့ မီဒီယာ။ ကိုပါႀကီးလိုလူမ်ဳိး။ ပစ္သတ္ခံရတယ္။ ေနာက္ ယူနတီကလူ ေတြ၊ မြန္းတည့္ေနက လူေတြကို ဖမ္းၿပီး ေထာင္ခ်လိုက္တယ္။ ဗမာ ျပည္သူေတြက ဗုဒ္ၶဘာသာဆိုၿပီး သိမ္ေမြ႕တယ္၊ ယဥ္ေက်းတယ္ဆိုတာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ လက္ခံတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လည္း ဗမာလူမ်ိဳး ဗုဒ္ၵဘာသာ တစ္ေယာက္ပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေလာက္ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ မႈိင္းတုိက္ တာ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ ့ ဗုဒ္ၶဘာသာကလည္း ဘယ္ခံႏိုင္မလဲ။

အဲဒီလူေတြက ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ျပည္သူေတြကို မ်က္မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ ေပးထားတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာကိစ္ၥမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္သူေတြက မ်က္ မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၾကည့္ၾကတယ္။ ၾကည့္တဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ အစိမ္း ေရာင္ကိုပဲ ျမင္ရတယ္။ အျဖဴေရာင္ျဖစ္ေနလည္း အစိမ္းေရာင္ျမင္တယ္။အ၀ါျဖစ္ေနလည္း အစိမ္းေရာင္ ျမင္တယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ ဗမာ ျပည္သူေတြက အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေလာက္ မ်က္မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ခံထားရတဲ့ ဘ၀မွာေနခဲ့ရတယ္။ အဲဒီဘ၀က မကၽြတ္ေသးဘူး။

ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကိစ္ၥ ဆက္ေျပာမယ္။ ရွင္းရွင္းေျပာမယ္။ လူပိန္း အေတြးနဲ႔ ေတြးၾကည့္ပါ။ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို ဒုက္ၡေပးတာ ၂၀၁၂ မွ ေပးတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီေခတ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေန၀င္း လက္ထက္ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ နဂါးမင္းစစ္ဆင္ေရးမွာ ဗိုလ္မွဴး ခ်ဳပ္စိန္လြင္ ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး “ေျမၿမိဳ၍ လူမ်ိဳးမျပဳန္း၊ လူၿမိဳ၍ လူမ်ိဳးျပဳန္း မည္” ဆိုတဲ့ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ စကားလံုးသံုးၿပီး မ႐ိုေသ့စကားနဲ႔ ကုလားေပါ့ေနာ္။ ဒီကုလားေတြကုိ အမ်ဳိးျဖဳတ္ဖုိ႔ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။

၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္း ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွာ တိုင္းရင္းသားေပါင္းစံုပါတယ္။ ဘာသာေပါင္းစံုပါတယ္။ အဲဒီတပ္က အႏွစ္ ၇၀ ေလာက္ၾကာတဲ့ ခုခ်ိန္မွာ ထိပ္ပိုင္းမွာ ဗမာ၊ ဗုဒ္ၶဘာသာလို႔ အမည္မခံဘူးဆိုရင္ ဘယ္အရာရွိမွ မတက္ဘူး။ ဆိုလိုတာက ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ႀကီးေန၀င္းက လူမ်ိဳးေရးမုန္းတီးမႈကုိ အေျခခံၿပီးေတာ့ ေပၚလစီေတြ ခ်သြားတယ္ဗ်ာ။ ၁၉၈၂ ႏိုင္ငံသားဥပေဒဆိုတာ ဦးေန၀င္းက လုပ္ ခ်င္တာ လုပ္သြားတာ။ အဲေတာ့ ဦးေန၀င္းလို အာဏာရွင္ႀကီး ျပ႒ာန္း သြားတဲ့ ဥပေဒႀကီးကို ဒီမုိကေရစီေခတ္မွာ ျပည္သူေတြကလည္း စြဲ ကိုင္တယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဆိုတဲ့ အတုိက္အခံပုဂ္ၢိဳလ္ကလည္း ဒီဥပေဒႀကီးကိုပဲ စြဲကိုင္တယ္။ ဒီဘုရားသားေတာ္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ သံဃာေတြ ကလည္း ဒီ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီး ျပ႒ာန္းသြားတာကိုပဲ လက္စြဲကိုင္တယ္။ ရခိုင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြကလည္း ဒါကိုပဲကိုင္တယ္။ အဲေတာ့ စစ္ အစိုးရဘက္ တစ္ဖက္ကပဲ မေကာင္းဘူး၊ မွားေနတယ္ဆိုရင္ ကၽြန္ ေတာ္တုိ႔က ျပည္သူကို အားကုိးၿပီးျပင္ဖုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ရွိတယ္။ အခု က်ေတာ့ ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္လဲဆိုေတာ့ မုန္႔လံုးစက္ၠဴကပ္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ျပည္သူက ေကာင္းတယ္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အစိုးရက ျပည္သူကို အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ ေလာက္ မ်က္မွန္စိမ္း တပ္ေပးလိုက္တယ္။

အဲဒီျပည္သူက ဒီမိုကေရစီေခတ္မွာ အခြင့္အေရးစရၿပီ။ ေျပာေရး ဆိုခြင့္ ရွိလာၿပီဆိုတဲ့ အခါမွာလည္း အဲဒီမ်က္မွန္စိမ္းေတြ တပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၾကည့္တုန္းပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ ျပည္သူကလည္း မွားေနတယ္။ အစိုးရ ကလည္း မွားေနတယ္။ ၾကားထဲမွာ ဒါကို ဂဃနဏသိတဲ့ ပညာရွင္ေတြ ရွိတယ္။ သမိုင္းဆရာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ေရွ႕က လူႀကီးသူမေတြရွိတယ္။

ပါလီမန္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေခတ္မွာ ဦးေန၀င္းၿပီးရင္ ဒုတိယအႀကီးဆံုး ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဒုတိယကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ (ၾကည္း) ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႀကီးလို ပုဂ္ၢိဳလ္က ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ရွမ္းလို၊ ကခ်င္လို၊ ခ်င္းလို နယ္စပ္ ႏွစ္ဖက္ ခြေနထိုင္တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြပါလို႔ ေျပာသြားတာကို အခုတက္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရက မရွိပါဘူးလို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္မတိုင္ခင္ ဦးခင္ၫႊန္႔တို႔ကလည္း ဒီလိုပဲေျပာတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီစစ္အာဏာ ရွင္ အစိုးရက ျပည္သူကို ညာေနတာ။ တျခားကိစ္ၥေတြမွာ ဒီအာဏာ ရွင္ေတြကို လူလိမ္၊ လူညာ၊ သူခုိး၊ သူ၀ွက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ဆိုၿပီးလက္ခံထားတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို ့ဒီ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကိစ္ၥမွာ ငါတို႔ျပည္သူေတြ ကို ညာေနတာေရာ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးလားဆိုၿပီး ေမးခြန္း ဒါ ေမးရမွာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ျပည္သူက မေမးဘူးဆိုရင္လည္း စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြက ေမးရမွာ ေပါ့။ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြမွာလည္း တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္။

အခုၾကည့္ပါလား။ မီဒီယာ တခ်ဳိ႕မွာ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို ဘဂၤါလီ ဆိုၿပီး ဇြတ္အတင္းႀကီးေခၚတာ။ ခင္ဗ်ားနာမည္က စည္သူေအာင္ျမင့္။ ကၽြန္ ေတာ္က ခင္ဗ်ားနာမည္က ငေခြးျဖစ္တယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားက ဆက္ေျပာတယ္။ကၽြန္ေတာ္က စည္သူေအာင္ျမင့္ပါ။ ေနာက္တစ္ခြန္း ေျပာမယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ား ငေခြးလို႔ လက္မခံရင္ က်ဳပ္ထိုးမယ္ဆိုၿပီး ခင္ဗ်ားကို ထိုးတယ္။ ဒါပဲ။ တကယ္တမ္းေျပာရရင္ စစ္ေတြပဲသြားသြား ေမာင္းေတာပဲသြားသြား ဒီ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ကေလးေတြကို ကိုယ္သားသမီးခ်င္း စာနာရမယ္ဗ်ာ။ လူ သားခ်င္း စာနာရမယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္က ဗမာ၊ ဗုဒ္ၶဘာသာ၊ ခင္ဗ်ားက ဖက္ဆစ္ ကင္ေပတုိင္ဆိုရင္ မင္းက ငေပါဆိုၿပီး လက္သည္းခြံခြာတဲ့ အလုပ္လုပ္တယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဘယ္ခံႏိုင္မလဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ ဒီေန႔မနက္ ကြန္ဖရင့္မွာ ေဂ်ာ့ဆိုးေရာ့စ္က သူကိုယ္တုိင္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြ ၿမိဳ႕က ေအာင္မဂၤလာ ရပ္ကြက္ကို ေရာက္သြားခဲ့တဲ့အေၾကာင္း၊ အဲဒီမွာ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို ေတြ႕ရတာဟာ သူငယ္ငယ္ ၁၉၄၄ ၀န္းက်င္ နာဇီဂ်ာမန္ေတြ ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Ghetto လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ ရပ္ကြက္က ဂ်ဴးေတြနဲ႔ ဆင္တူတဲ့အေၾကာင္း၊ သူကိုယ္တိုင္ ဘူဒါပက္စ္က အဲဒီ ဂက္တိုမွာ ေနခဲ့ရတာကို ျပန္ျမင္ေယာင္မိေၾကာင္း ေျပာသြားခဲ့တယ္။

Genocide ဆိုတာ လူသတ္တာတင္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ သတ္ၱ၀ါတစ္ ေကာင္ကို ဒုက္ၡေပးတယ္ဆိုရင္ နည္းမ်ဳိးစံုနဲ႔ ေပးလို႔ရတယ္။ စစ္ေထာက္ လွမ္းေရးက ပုဂ္ၢိဳလ္ေတြ SB က ပုဂ္ၢိဳလ္ေတြ ဆိုရင္ ညႇင္းဆဲတဲ့နည္းေတြ သူတို႔ဆီမွာ ေထာင္နဲ႔ ေသာင္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ရွိတယ္။ လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို ဘယ္လိုညႇင္းဆဲမလဲ။ ဘယ္လို ဒုက္ၡေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္မလဲ။ ဘယ္လို ဦးေႏွာက္ပ်က္ေအာင္ လုပ္မလဲ။ လက္ဖ်ားနဲ႔မတို႔ဘဲ ဒီလူေတြ လုပ္ တတ္တယ္။ ဒီနည္းနဲ႔ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို သိန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ဒုက္ၡေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။

ျပည္သူ႔ေခတ္ - အဲဒီေတာ့ အခု ဘာျဖစ္ေနတယ္ၾကားလို႔ အခုလို႔ Slow Genocide နာမည္တပ္တဲ့အဆင့္ ေရာက္သြားသလဲ။ ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္မွာ ဘာျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ သိထားသလဲ။

ေမာင္ဇာနည္ - နံပါတ္ ၁ က ဒီလူေတြကို အစာေရစာ ၀ေအာင္ လင္ေအာင္ စားလို႔မရေအာင္ လုပ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။ သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြက တစ္ေန႔ကုိ ထမင္းႏွစ္နပ္ သံုးနပ္ စားၾကတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြကို ထမင္း စားဖို႔အတြက္ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ လယ္စိုက္ဖုိ႔ ခြင့္မေပးဘူး။ ဒီဒုက္ၡ သည္ စခန္းထဲမွာ ရွိတဲ့ သူၾကေတာ့လည္း စိုက္ဖို႔က ခက္ခဲသြားၿပီဗ်ာ။ သူမ်ား သဒ္ၵါလို႔ လာေကၽြးတဲ့အဆင့္ အလွဴစာေလာက္ပဲ စားရတာေပါ့။ ေနာက္ ရြာေတြမွာဆိုရင္လည္း ဟိုဘက္ရြာေတြကို မသြားရဘူးဗ်ာ။ ကိုယ္က ဒီရြာမွာေနၿပီး ဟိုရြာမွာ လယ္စာရင္းငွား သြားအလုပ္မလုပ္ဘူး ဆိုရင္ ဗိုက္ေမွာက္ေနရမွာေပါ့။ တစ္ေယာက္ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ကုိယ္၀န္ရွိတဲ့သူနဲ႔ မိခင္အို၊ ဖခင္အိုႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ စားစရာမရွိေအာင္ လုပ္ တယ္ဗ်ာ။ သန္႔ရွင္းတဲ့ေရလည္း မေသာက္ရဘူး။ ေနာက္ ေနမေကာင္း ဘူးဆိုရင္ မီးေနသည္က အစဗ်ာ ဆရာ၀န္မရွိဘူး။ ေနာက္ဆံုး ကၽြန္ေတာ္ တုိ႔လို မြဲတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္ ရန္ကုန္ပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္ မ္ၲေလးပဲၾကည့္ၾကည့္ ေဆးခန္းေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိတယ္။ပိုက္ဆံတတ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ သူေတြက သြားလို႔ရတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ရွစ္ေသာင္းေလာက္ ရွိတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဆရာ၀န္တစ္ေယာက္ပဲ ရွိတယ္။ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ေဆးေက်ာင္းတက္ၿပီး ဆရာ၀န္လုပ္ဖို႔တို႔ နာ့စ္ လုပ္ဖို႔တုိ႔ မေျပာနဲ႔ ေနာက္ဆံုး ၀မ္းဆြဲတဲ့ အတတ္ပညာကိုေတာင္ သင္ခြင့္မေပးဘူး။ အစာေရစာကိုလည္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အေနနဲ႔ ေလာက္ ေလာက္လားလား မေပးဘူး။ အျပင္က လာတဲ့သူကိုလည္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ကန္႔သတ္တယ္။ စားစရာမရွိေအာင္ လုပ္တယ္။ ငတ္ေသေအာင္ လုပ္ တယ္။ ဆရာ၀န္မရွိဘူး။ ေဆးမရွိဘူး။ ေဆး႐ံုမရွိဘူး။ လူဆိုတာ အစား အေသာက္နဲ႔ ေရရွိမွ အသက္ရွင္လို႔ရတာ။ ဒါေတြကို ျဖတ္ေတာက္ဖို႔ လုပ္တယ္ဆိုရင္ လုပ္တဲ့အစိုးရရဲ႕ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္က တစ္ခုတည္းပဲရွိတယ္။အဲဒီဟာက ဒီလူေတြကို ျဖည္းျဖည္းခ်င္းနဲ႔ ညႇင္းၿပီးသတ္တာ။ ကၽြန္ ေတာ္က နားစြန္နားဖ်ား ၾကား႐ံုနဲ႔ ဒီအလုပ္ လုပ္ေနတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ သံုးႏွစ္တိတိ သုေတသန လုပ္တယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ ရခိုင္မွာ တာ၀န္က်ဖူးတဲ့ ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိေဟာင္းေတြကို စကားေျပာဖူးတယ္။ အင္တာ ဗ်ဴးဖူးတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္ ေမာ္ကြန္းတိုက္ထဲက ထြက္လာတဲ့ စာရြက္ စာတမ္းေတြကိုလည္း ဖတ္တယ္။ ဗမာလိုလည္း ဖတ္တယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္လို စာရြက္စာတမ္းလည္း ဖတ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ကၽြန္ေတာ္နဲ႔ တြဲလုပ္တဲ့ သုေတသီ အမ်ဳိးသမီးက ျမန္မာျပည္သြားတယ္။ ရခိုင္ကိုလည္း သြား တယ္။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ကိုလည္း သြားတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ မေလးရွားကို လည္း သြားတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ဖမ္းဆီးႏွိပ္စက္ခံရတဲ့ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြနဲ႔ အင္ တာဗ်ဴးလုပ္တယ္။ ေဆးလိပ္မီးနဲ႔ ထုိးတယ္။ တုတ္နဲ႔ ႐ိုက္တယ္။ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို႔ ေျပာလုိ႔ရွိရင္ ေသြးထြက္ေအာင္ လက္သီးနဲ႔ ထိုးတယ္။ တစ္ေယာက္ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ ေျပာတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ရာနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ေျပာတာ။ အဲဒါေတြ ျဖစ္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ကစ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္း တစ္ခုလံုးကို တစ္စစီျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတယ္၊Slow Genocide ဆိုၿပီး ကၽြန္ေတာ္ စ ေရးတာ။

ျပည္သူ႔ေခတ္ - ေကာင္းပါၿပီ။ ဒီလိုဆို လတ္တေလာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ဒီျပႆနာႀကီးကို ဘယ္လိုေျဖရွင္းရင္ ရမယ္လို႔ ထင္သလဲ။

ေမာင္ဇာနည္ - ကၽြန္ေတာ္ထင္တာကေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အေျဖမရွိဘူး။ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဟာ သန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီရွိတဲ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းႀကီးကို ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မရွိပါဘူး ဆိုၿပီး က္ၻာအထိ တက္လိမ္ေနတာ။ အိပ္ခ်င္ေယာင္ ေဆာင္ေနသူေတြကို သြားႏႈိးေနလို႔ အက်ဳိးမထူး ဘူးလို႔ ထင္တယ္။ သူတို႔ကို ေျပာင္းလဲလာေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႔ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အင္အားမရွိဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာပဲ အင္အားရွိတာ။ ၁၉၄၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဦးႏု လက္ထက္မွာ ဗမာျပည္က Genocide Convention ကို လက္မွတ္ ထိုးခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီ ကိုယ္ထိုးထားတဲ့ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ စာခ်ဳပ္စာတမ္းေတြကို ေဖာက္ဖ်က္တယ္။ ျပည္သူကိုလည္း လိမ္တယ္။ ဒီလူေတြက ေနာင္တရဖို႔ အလားအလာ မရွိဘူး။ ေနာင္တရသည္ မရ သည္ ခဏထား၊ သူတို႔ လုပ္တာကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ရပ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ရ မယ္။ ရပ္ဖို႔က အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာမွာ နည္းလမ္းေတြရွိတယ္။ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြကို လူေတြလို ဆက္ဆံပါ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေပးပါ၊ အသက္ရွင္ေနထုိင္ စားေသာက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ေပးပါ၊ ခရီးသြားခြင့္ ေပးပါ၊ ပညာ သင္ခြင့္ေပးပါ အစရွိသျဖင့္ လုပ္ေပးလာဖို႔ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာက ဖိအား ေပးလာေအာင္ လုပ္ရမယ္။ အဲဒါေတြ မလုပ္ဘူးဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ စီးပြားေရး မလုပ္ဖို႔၊ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈေတြ မလုပ္ဖို႔ ကမ္ပိန္းေတြလုပ္မယ္။ ခုဆိုရင္ ဒီလို ကြန္ဖရင့္မ်ဳိးကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆု ေပးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံ မွာ က်င္းပခြင့္ရတယ္။ အဲဒီႏိုင္ငံက ဒုႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးလာတယ္၊ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း တက္တယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ စ ႀကိဳးစား တာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။

ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ဇာနည္၏ ကိုယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္း
MA (California)
PhD (Wisconsin) Visiting Fellow (2011 - 13),
Human Security and Civil Society Research Unit, Department of International Development, LSE (London School of Economics)

Sithu Aung Myint - Facebook စာမ်က္ႏွာမွ ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပသည္။

BBC Jonah Fisher reads Aung San Suu Kyi right: She is a racist herself with no worthy human values

Aung San Suu Kyi: Where are you?

By Jonah Fisher 
June 3, 2015

For close to two decades no-one accused Aung San Suu Kyi of lacking principles or courage. From the early 1990s until her final release from house arrest in 2010 she was a brave symbol of defiance against what was then a brutal military dictatorship. 

Ms Suu Kyi's image was on student walls around the world, Bono even wrote a song about her. She became synonymous with the global struggle for democracy and human rights.

Now at liberty, living in the same Yangon house but in a much-changed country, Aung San Suu Kyi is free to speak her mind. But she's selective about her causes. 

In parliament, where she sits as an opposition MP, the 69-year-old frequently criticises the government for the slow pace of reform, and restates her increasingly forlorn demands for constitutional change.

But on the persecution of Myanmar's most famously forgotten minority Ms Suu Kyi is silent. 

Outrage 

For decades, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims have lived in Rakhine State, near the country's western border with Bangladesh. 

They've become well-known in the last few weeks, but long denied citizenship and freedom of movement, their misery is nothing new.

There's huge disagreement over how most of them got there, where they belong and what they should be called.

So, in a facile step that instantly alienates most of Myanmar, I'm going to put history to one side. 

On a purely human level, there are currently about 800,000 people in western Myanmar, denied the most basic of rights and discriminated against due to the circumstances of their birth. They've been fleeing into the hands of cruel trafficking rings because they're poor and desperate.

From a simple human rights perspective it's a continuing outrage that should shame us all.
So why, despite the calls from around the world is Ms Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize winner, reluctant to raise her voice?

Election thinking 

The simplest explanation, voiced repeatedly over the last few weeks, is that she's always been a pragmatic politician not a human rights activist. 

By defending the Rohingya, Ms Suu Kyi would immediately put herself at odds with powerful Buddhist nationalist groups, potentially changing the dynamics of this year's all important general election. 

An already unpredictable vote would become super-charged with religious and ethnic tensions.


There was some evidence of Ms Suu Kyi's extreme caution earlier this year when United Nations envoy Yanghee Lee visited.

After Ms Lee highlighted the plight of the Rohingya, the monk Ashin Wirathu delivered a vulgar speech describing the South Korean in derogatory terms

It was demeaning and outrageous and the UN's human rights chief in Geneva soon called on all of Myanmar's leaders to condemn the monk. 

Opposition leader Ms Suu Kyi remained silent.

That's despite Yanghee Lee being Asian, female, a human rights advocate and being described in the most misogynistic language possible in Ms Suu Kyi's home town. It didn't look good.



Big picture 

Aung San Suu Kyi's supporters say it's not because she doesn't care, but that she sees this sort of issue as a trap. 

Giving a strong quote on the Rohingya or Yanghee Lee might hand out a bloody nose or two and satisfy the human rights lobby, but it won't actually change anything on the ground.

The big picture for Ms Suu Kyi they say, is to win the election in November and prepare the ground for the complex negotiations on power that will follow. 

With ethnic minority parties likely to pick up a chunk of the seats, and a quarter automatically allocated to the army, Ms Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), needs to dominate the ethnically Bamar constituencies. 

To do that she'll need the support of the monks and a solid claim to be patriotically defending the Buddhist state. Sadly there are only votes to be lost in Rohingya rights. 

Who are the Rohingyas?


> Rohingyas are a distinct, Muslim ethnic group mainly living in Myanmar 

> They are thought to be descended from Muslim traders who settled there more than 1,000 years ago 

> They also live in Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan 

> In Myanmar, they are subjected to forced labour, have no land rights and are heavily restricted 

> In Bangladesh many are also desperately poor, with no documents or job prospects 


European echoes?

But there's another aspect to this.

Underpinning the demands for Aung San Suu Kyi to "speak out" is the assumption, particularly from abroad, that she's concealing her more liberal beliefs for political reasons.

Well what if she's not? Just because you've been given the Nobel Peace Prize doesn't mean you sign up to a particular set of values. Just ask Henry Kissinger. 

Maybe Ms Suu Kyi agrees with the Burmese authorities that they need to act to make sure that Myanmar's character remains overwhelmingly Buddhist, and that Muslim populations are growing too rapidly. Would it be that surprising if she shared the widely held Burmese view that the Rohingya belong back in Bangladesh? 

If parts of this debate are starting to sound familiar, blank out the ethnicities and the country's names. Put France, England, Eritreans or Syrians back in.

In European capitals these sort of views are being expressed every day by mainstream politicians about that continent's migrant crisis.

Is Norway - Royal Family, government, corporations, & the gov-funded NGO - collaborating with Myanmar's genocidal regime?








What does it mean for Oslo to treat ‪#‎Myanmar‬ as a 'focus' country?

‪#‎Norway‬ is embracing #Myanmar's genocidal government - Royally, Governmentally, Corporately, and NGO-ly.

#Norway styles and prides itself as the World's Peace Promoter. But in #Myanmar, it promotes its own ‪#‎Telonor‬ and ‪#‎StatOil‬ over the slow burning genocide of over 1 million ‪#‎Rohingya‬

These pictures speak volume:

1) Myanmar's Thein Sein - reportedly short-listed for Nobel Peace Prize - sharing an intimate moment with Nay Myo Wai, who called for 'shooting, killing and mass-burying of 'bengali'' (racist reference to Rohingya) in Thanlyin, Rangoon on 23 May 2015


Nay Myo Wai calls for the mass-murder and mass-burial of the Rohingya outside Rangoon on 23 May 2015 




 


Thein Sein: Nobel Laureate?


2) The same Thein Sein himself proposed to the UNHCR officially expulsion of Rohingya en mass and/or building an apartheid in Rakhine state in August 2012.



UN rejects Thein Sein’s potential Rohingya plan


Norwegian government officials - such as the then Ambassador Katja Nordgaard - are all smiles when they meet Myanmar's chief genocidaire - the same Thein Sein.


Switch to Telenor by Ex-Ambassador to Burma Provokes Criticism in Norway, Irrawaddy, 4 June 2015


Ex-Norway Ambassador to Burma Becomes Telenor Executive, Irrawaddy, 21 May 2014


3) Another Norwegian Ambassador Her Excellency Ann Ollestad is seen here with Myanmar's Commander in Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing


4) and last but not ​ least​, here comes Oslo's Peace-loving King His Majesty Harald V​: the Royal Seal of Approval - for Norway's corporate penetration in the genocidal and impoverished Myanmar​.




Norwegian King arrives in Myanmar on state visit

"Accompanied by his Queen Sonja, the Norwegian King is making the trip at the invitation of Myanmar President U Thein Sein."


Squatters Evicted Ahead of Norwegian King’s Arrival in Mandalay

http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/squatters-evicted-ahead-norwegian-kings-arrival-mandalay.html




The Full Text of the Oslo Communique

Today (28 May) the Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Persecution of the Rohingya ended. The conference was held at the Norwegian Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen, Oslo, Norway on May 26 & 27, 2015.

After two days of deliberations the conference issue the following urgent appeal to the international community, based on the following conclusions:

1. The pattern of systematic human rights abuses against the ethnic Rohingya people entails crimes against humanity including the crime of genocide;
2. The Myanmar government’s denial of the existence of the Rohingya as a people violates the right of the Rohingya to self-identify;
3. The international community is privileging economic interests in Myanmar and failing to prioritize the need to end its systematic persecution and destruction of the Rohingya as an ethnic group.

The call by Archbishop Desmond Tutu to end Myanmar’s genocide of the Rohingya made during the Oslo conference is supported by six additional Nobel Peace Laureates: Mairead Maguire, Jody Williams, Tawakkol Karman, Shirin Ebadi, Leymah Gbowee, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel.

The United Nations and the international community have an urgent responsibility to stop Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya.

As the home country of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, the conference urges the Government of Norway to immediately prioritize ending Myanmar’s genocide over its economic interests in that country, including sizable investment by Telenor and StatOil.

The conference calls upon the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the European Union (EU), the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the United Nations (UN) and other relevant international actors to take all possible measures to pressure the Government of Myanmar to do the following:

to immediately end its policies and practices of genocide;
to restore full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingya;
to institute the right of return for all displaced Rohingya;
to effectively provide the Rohingya with all necessary protection; and
to actively promote and support reconciliation between communities in Rakhine State, Myanmar.

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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Seven Nobel Peace laureates call the persecution of ‪#‎Rohingya‬ in‪#‎Myanmar‬ a genocide and demand action  as two-day Oslo conference ends

Oslo, ‪#‎Norway‬, May 28, 2015 - A two-day conference focusing on ending the persecution of Burma's Rohingyas concluded today, with a call from seven Nobel Peace Laureates to describe their plight as nothing less than a genocide.

In his pre-recorded address to the conference, Desmond Tutu, leader of South Africa's anti-apartheid movement in the 1980s, called for an end to the slow genocide of the Rohingya.

Tutu’s appeal was amplified by six other fellow Nobel Peace laureates: Mairead Maguire from Ireland, Jody Williams from the USA, Tawakkol Karman from Yeman, Shirin Ibadi from Iran, Leymah Gbowee from Liberia, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel from Argentina. They stated that, “what Rohingyas are facing is a textbook case of genocide in which an entire indigenous community is being systematically wiped out by the Burmese government.”

Philanthropist George Soros drew a parallel between his childhood memories of life in a Jewish ghetto under the Nazi occupation in Hungary and the plight of the Rohingya after visiting Rohingya neighborhood in Sittwe which he called a “ghetto”. “In 1944, as a Jew in Budapest, I, too was a Rohingya… The parallels to the Nazi genocide are alarming,” he said, in a pre-recorded address to the Oslo conference.

The meeting was held at the prestigious Norwegian Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen Conference Center in Oslo, Norway. It was attended by Buddhist monks, Christian clergy, and Muslim leaders from Myanmar. Also present were genocide experts, international diplomats, interfaith and human rights leaders. Attendees explored ways to end Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya, as well as foster and communal harmony in Burma.

Addressing the conference, Morten Høglund, the State Secretary of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, announced his government’s decision to give 10 million Norwegian Kroner ($1.2 million US) in humanitarian assistance to Burma. The participants were dismayed however, as the State Secretary choose not to even mention the word “Rohingya” in his entire speech in an apparent compliance to Myanmar’s government stand.

The conference communiqué urged the Norwegian government to immediately prioritize ending Myanmar’s genocide over its economic interests in Burma, including sizeable investment by Telenor and StatOil.

During the conference, former Prime Minister of Norway Kjell Magne Bondevik conferred on three leading Myanmar monks who have saved Muslim lives in Burma and opposed Islamophobia the first-ever “World Harmony awards” on behalf of the Parliament of the World’s Religions, a 120-year-old interfaith organization. Rev. Seindita, Rev. Withudda, and Rev. Zawtikka, were the three awardees who also chanted Buddhist prayers at the inauguration.

Presenting the awards, the Parliament’s chair, Imam Malik Mujahid said, “These extraordinary monks challenge the widespread perception that all Buddhist monks clamor for violence against the Rohingyas.”

The participants from 16 different countries, including leading Rohingya activists and leaders, as well as genocide scholars, adopted the following statement:

-------------Full text of the communiqué adopted by the Oslo Conference----------

(see the above).

Contact Persons:

USA: Imam Malik Mujahid
Chair Burma Task Force USA
malik@SoundVision.com

UK: Dr. Maung Zarni:
447710473322
Co-author (with Cowley). “The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya”
_________________________

Norway's Engagement with Genocidal Myanmar Regime

The Burning Hatred of Burma’s Ugly Buddhists

(Photo: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters)

By Joshua Carroll
May 31, 2015

Western clichés about peace-loving saffron-robed monks fall by the wayside amid protest marches on the mean streets of the Burmese commercial capital.

RANGOON — Anti-Muslim protestors supported by Buddhist monks gathered in Burma’s main city of Rangoon this week to denounce the United Nations for “bullying” their country into accepting desperate migrants who have been stranded at sea in abandoned boats.

People waving multi-colored Buddhist flags led a column of several hundred marchers as they chanted slogans against the Rohingya minority who, with their distinct language and darker skin, are considered outsiders and denied citizenship in Burma, also known as Myanmar.

It was the latest in a series of Buddhist hate rallies in the country, a phenomenon that has become common here but has yet to penetrate the psyches of many westerners who associate saffron-robed monks with peace and compassion.

“Yes, we have compassion for all people in our Buddhism, but we have to protect ourselves against our enemies,” said Thuta Nanda, a monk, as people gathered with placards and t-shirts bearing slogans urging the international community to “Stop blaming Myanmar” for the boat crisis.

“In Buddhism, we want to help others,” added protester Htet Htet Soe Oo, “but Muslims are different, their religion teaches that they should kill us.”

If any group of people could benefit from the compassion that many associate with the teachings of the Buddha, it is Burma’s Rohingya Muslims. The group of roughly one million is almost completely friendless, widely despised inside predominantly Buddhist Burma and unwanted by neighboring countries.

Thousands of people from the group, along with others from Bangladesh, were left to fend for themselves at sea with limited food and water after Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia began pushing away boats approaching their shores earlier this month.

The countries have since responded to an international outcry and said they will accept up to 7,000 migrants temporarily. But Amnesty International said last week that this “falls short of full compliance with these states’ international legal obligations, which include the establishment and maintenance of search and rescue services.”

On Friday, leaders met in Thailand for a regional summit to discuss the boat crisis. But, as many expected, little was achieved at the meeting as Burma complained of "finger pointing." 

The protestors in Rangoon were from a coalition of groups with suggestive names: the National Defense Council, Buddhist Youth, Nationalist Blood, Future Light and the Patriotic Youth Network were all in attendance. They rejected claims that people on board stranded boats were from their country, contradicting reports by aid agencies that Rohingya from Burma make up a large proportion of those involved in the crisis. “There is no such thing in Myanmar as Rohingya!” they chanted.

Nationalists deny that the Rohingya are even a real ethnicity, and prefer to call them “Bengalis” as a way of stressing the belief that the group don’t belong in Burma and are interlopers from Bangladesh. Rohingyas, supported by human rights advocates, say their families have lived in Burma for generations. As far as many Buddhists are concerned though, the minority is part of an influx of Muslims that has become a national threat.

“If we accept them in our country we can expect more and more problems,” said Win Tun, a 50-year-old trader who watched the marchers pass. “We have enough complaints between Buddhists and Muslims.”

During sporadic outbreaks of violence across the country since 2012, including against Muslims who are not Rohingya, Buddhist mobs with sticks and machetes have slaughtered men, women and children and burned down entire villages.

The violence has been accompanied by a rise in online hate speech. “Fuck U Islam,” one user posted recently beneath an anti-Rohingya cartoon depicting boat people on the Mingalapar Facebook page. “Kill them,” wrote another.

The United Nations estimates that at least 130,000 Rohingya have fled persecution in the country since the 2012 attacks began. Despite that, Burma’s government maintains that the country is not responsible for the exodus of Rohingyas by sea, and has instead blamed criminal traffickers.

“The U.N. lies all the time,” San Di Thwin Mar Oo declared shortly before jumping on a chair to address a crowd with a megaphone at the rally. “They have to stop.”

Last week Burma’s navy brought 208 people to shore before the government declared that 200 were from Bangladesh and announced plans to repatriate them.

For government propagandists, it was an opportunity to show the world that Burma was not the source of the crisis. But a report by Reuters revealed on Wednesday that 100 Rohingyas were removed from the boat before the navy arrived.

Meanwhile nationalists have seized on the rescue, small in comparison to the numbers that have landed elsewhere, as evidence that their country is doing more than its fair share to help. “Myanmar is the kindest country in the world,” said San Di Thwin Mar Oo.

For the Rohingya, that couldn't be farther from the truth; even apparently liberal monks are reluctant to defend them.

Ashin Assiriya, who was a key organizer in a pro-democracy uprising against Burma’s former military junta in 2007, is one of the few monks in Burma who dares to speak out against his fellow clergymen who belong to 969, a radical anti-Muslim group. But defending the Rohingya, specifically, is far more controversial than defending Burma’s other Muslims. “I cannot talk about the citizenship of the Rohingya,” he told The Daily Beast. “That’s a problem for the immigration department.”

Rohingyas as Myanmar's "national security threat"

An activist displays a poster of the portrait of Burma’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during a protest demanding an end to the violence against ethnic Rohingyas in Rakhine State, outside the Embassy of Myanmar in Jakarta, Indonesia Friday. Pic: AP.

By Michele Penna
June 1, 2015

As many had expected, the ‘Special Meeting on Irregular Migration in the Indian Ocean’ held in Thailand last week ended with a soft whimper rather than a loud bang. The participants gathered in Bangkok agreed to keep the talks going, but the meeting failed to address one of the crisis’ key issues: why people are leaving their homes behind to embark on such perilous sea voyages?

Many are economic migrants from Bangladesh, looking for a brighter future in neighboring countries or beyond. Others are Rohingyas, a beleaguered Muslim minority often fleeing Burma’s western State of Rakhine.

The Rohingya have had an extremely hard time for decades, but their position took a turn for the worse at the beginning of 2012, when clashes between the Buddhist majority and the Rohingya minority erupted in Rakhine.

Later that year sectarian violence flared again, leaving dozens of people dead and “widespread property destruction”, according to Human Rights Watch. Last year, the UNHCR wrote that about 140,000 Rohingyas are living in camps where they have little or no access to basic services, including healthcare and education. It is these people who boarded – or, in some cases, were forced to jump on – the smugglers’ boats and were then abandoned to their fate by traffickers once Thai authorities cracked down on their bases.

Many believe that no lasting solution to the current crisis can be found unless the reasons why people are leaving Bangladesh and Burma, also known as Myanmar, are addressed. On Friday, Volker Turk, UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Protection, did not beat round the bush. “There is no solution without addressing root causes [..] Among other things, this requires full assumption of responsibility by Myanmar towards all people on its territory. Granting of citizenship is the ultimate goal,” he stated, adding that the UN welcomes “some initial steps taken in this regard.”

Mr. Turk also argued that, in the meantime, a legal status for all habitual residents recognizing that Burma is their own country is urgently required.

In spite of mounting pressure from foreign governments and NGOs to overhaul its approach, the government in Naypyidaw is holding its ground: authorities rebuked critics and reportedly pressured their partners not to use the term Rohingya at Friday’s gathering. The word did not appear in the summit’s final statement.

According to Dr. Maung Zarni, the Burmese organizer of the Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of the Rohingya, the authorities’ confidence stems in part from the awareness that no serious consequences are in store regardless of the approach they choose to follow.

“The government knows that there is no serious political will on the part of the international community, especially USA, UK, Norway, Japan, EU,… the external players deeply engaged with Myanmar, to seriously stop Myanmar’s un-acknowledged genocide,” he told Asian Correspondent in an email interview.

Even Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy icon and leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD), has been cautious about this topic and has avoided taking sides. A political analyst was quoted by the ‘Washington Post’ last year as saying that Suu Kyi told him she was silent because speaking up would only lead to more blood being spilled, but many smell political interests behind the opposition’s silence. With elections scheduled to take place in November, this is no time to antagonize the country’s Buddhist majority.

“To an extent the elections do play a role, especially for Aung San Suu Kyi, who is trying to get Buddhist votes,” said Chris Lewa of the Arakan Project, an NGO which works closely with local communities.

Interestingly, protesters who spoke to Asian Correspondent at last week’s nationalist march in Yangon contended that some supporters of the NLD had joined the rally, implying that resistance against change exists inside her own party too.

Electoral calculations alone, however, do not fully explain why authorities and much of the society loathe the Rohingya, for this problem existed long before elections were even thought to be possible.

According to Dr. Zarni, the discrimination against this particular group dates back to the 1970s, when the government led by General Ne Win began persecuting them as part of a nation-wide anti-insurgency campaign which targeted, among others, also independentist forces in Rakhine. The goal was to pit one minority against another in order to maintain control of the area.

“The key to understanding the policy is the central government’s divide-and-rule general strategy towards the mosaic of ethnic and religious groups in Myanmar,” he said.

In the years that followed, the military junta came to see the Rohingya as a threat to national security, a view that is still popular to this day.

“The current policy is merely a continuation of successive military regimes’ policies towards the Rohingya,” Dr. Zarni wrote. “Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya has become an inter-generational policy pursued by successive military leaderships in the central government. The rationale – they are a threat to national security – has been institutionalized. So, regardless of what type of government emerges Myanmar is most likely to keep this policy in place.”

This is why even the upcoming elections do not inspire much optimism.

“I cannot guess what will be the elections’ result, but I do not think they will create a big change because all these parties are trying to use popular sentiments,” explained Ms. Lewa.