Speaking on Myanmar Genocide of Rohingyas, The Oxford Union Genocide Panel, 29 Jan 2018

Saying "Sorry!" to a Rohingya brother who survived Myanmar Genocide, Kutupalong Camp, Bangladesh, 7 Nov 2017.

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Meeting with The Minister of Foreign Affairs Rt. Honourable Abul Hassan Mahmood Ali, M.P., State Guest House, Dhaka, 4 Nov 2017

"National Traitor and Enemy of the State" for his opposition to Rohingya Genocide. Sun Rays, 16/9/17

Burma rejects 'unbalanced' Rohingya remarks by Nobel prize winners

A Rohingya girl suffers from infected heat rash on her face and body in Sittwe, Burma. More than 100,000 Rohingya Muslims are confined to internal camps. Photograph: Jonas Gratzer/Getty Images

May 31, 2015

Desmond Tutu and José Ramos-Horta among laureates who have criticised the situation of Rohingya in Burma as ‘nothing less than genocide’

Burma rejected as unbalanced comments made by several Nobel peace prize winners calling for an end to the persecution of Rohingya Muslims. 

The Nobel laureates including South Africa’s Desmond Tutu, Iranian human rights activist Shirin Ebadi and former Timor-Leste President José Ramos-Horta made the appeal following two conferences in the Norwegian capital last week. They called the situation of Rohingya in Burma “nothing less than genocide”. 

Burma’s foreign ministry said in a statement published in Sunday’s newspapers that such comments turned a blind eye to Burma’s efforts on rebuilding trust between Buddhists and Muslims in western Rakhine state as well as “granting citizenship through national verification process to those Bengalis living in Burma for many years”. 

Burma does not recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic community and refers to the more than one million members in Rakhine state as Bengalis – immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh. They have been denied citizenship and basic rights. More than 100,000 are confined to internal camps. 

In recent weeks, the plight of Rohingya has turned into a regional crisis when thousands landed on the shores of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, with others still believed stranded at sea. 

The foreign ministry said Burma categorically rejects the “unbalanced and negative comments”. 

Others who criticised Burma’s policies in Oslo included philanthropist George Soros, who escaped Nazi-occupied Hungary and said that there were “alarming” parallels between the plight of the Rohingya and the Nazi genocide.

Nay Myo Wai calls for the mass-murder and mass-burial of the Rohingya outside Rangoon on 23 May 2015

Chairman of Peace and Diversity Party Mr Nay Myo Wai calls for the mass-murder and mass-burial of the Rohingya outside Rangoon on 23 May 2015.

He is a part of President Thein Sein's genocidal network - both are seen sharing an intimate moment here at the Myanmar Peace Center, with Presidential Advisers Hla Maung Shwe and Tin Maung Than.

Norway (as represented by Ambassador Her Excellency Katja Nordgaard) has privileged its corporate interests - under the guise of 'peace support' initiative, cuddling known genocidaires in Myanmar. After her tenure at Myanmar Nordgaard has joined Telenor, Norwegian national corporation, as Vice President.

Meet Myanmar's 24 genocidaires and get them to The Hague

Meet Myanmar's 24 genocidaires and get them to The Hague

For the crimes against humanity, including a genocide, haul the following genocidaires to The Hague.

1) Retired Senior General Than Shwe (Officer Training School In-take ?)

2) Retired Vice-Senior General Maung Aye (Defense Services Academy or DSA, In-Take 1)

3) Ex-General Khin Nyunt (Officer Training School, In-Take 29), the founder of the now disbanded Nasaka (or Myanmar's equivalent of SS - for the Rohingyas) and former Chief of Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI)

4) Ex-General Shwe Mann (DSA-11), Speaker of the Parliament and Chair of the ruling party USDP (Defense Services Academy or DSA- In-Take 11)

5) Ex-General and Myanmar President Thein Sein (DSA In-Take 9)

6) Lt-General Ko Ko (Home Minister), already accused of war crimes by Harvard Law School International Human Rights Clinic

7) Ex-Major Zaw Htay, President's Office Director (DSA In-Take 36)

8) Union Minister Ex-Admiral Soe Thein (DSA In-take ?) (whose navy units have been involving in pushing out the Rohingya out of Burma's territorial waters; he inked the business deals with Norway's Telenor)

9) Information Minister Ex-Colonel Ye Htut (DSA In-Take ?)

10) Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin (DSA In-Take?)

11) Deputy Foreign Minister Thant Kyaw (DSA In-Take?)

12) Ex-Major General Maung Maung Ohn (DSA In-Take 22), Rakhine Chief Minister 

13) Aye Maung, Member of the Parliament from Ramree and Chairman of the Rakhine party who calls for "Israel-style destruction of Rohingya on Rakhine soil)

14) Wirathu - 969 "Monk"

15) Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing (PhD Cornell), of Norway-funded "Myanmar Institute for Diversity and Myanmar Peace Center), advocate and author of Rakhine Action Plan (Myanmar's equivalent of "Final Solution")

16) Nay Myo Wai, Chair of Diversity Party (who openly calls for the mass killings of Rohingya in this week's mass rally in Rangoon)

17) Police Brigadier General Tin Ko Ko, Chief of Border Guard Police based in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State)

18) Ko Ko Gyi (88 Generation and Open Society NGO)

19) Aung Thaung, Ex-Colonel, Chairman of the Finance Committee, MP of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party

20) Lt-General Thein Htay, former Minister of Border Affairs and Than Shwe's arms procurement officer

21) Khin Yi, Ex-Brigadier General, Ex-Police Chief, Directorate of Defence Services Intelligence, and Minister of Immigration

22) Ex- Lt. Gen Win Myint (Ex-Western Command Commander and Ex- Secretary 3 of Military regime - State Peace and Development Council)

23) Ex-Lt. Gen Mya Thin (Ex-Western Command Commander and Ex-Minister of Home Affairs)

(Hla Maung Tin - Left)
24) Hla Maung Tin (Ex-Chief Minister, Rakhine State)

Myanmar's Official Press Release in response to the Oslo Conference

Myanmar's Official Press Release in response to the Oslo Conference

The Full Text of the Oslo Communique

Today (28 May) the Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Persecution of the Rohingya ended. The conference was held at the Norwegian Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen, Oslo, Norway on May 26 & 27, 2015.

After two days of deliberations the conference issue the following urgent appeal to the international community, based on the following conclusions:

1. The pattern of systematic human rights abuses against the ethnic Rohingya people entails crimes against humanity including the crime of genocide;

2. The Myanmar government’s denial of the existence of the Rohingya as a people violates the right of the Rohingya to self-identify;

3. The international community is privileging economic interests in Myanmar and failing to prioritize the need to end its systematic persecution and destruction of the Rohingya as an ethnic group.

The call by Archbishop Desmond Tutu to end Myanmar’s genocide of the Rohingya made during the Oslo conference is supported by six additional Nobel Peace Laureates: Mairead Maguire, Jody Williams, Tawakkol Karman, Shirin Ebadi, Leymah Gbowee, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel.

The United Nations and the international community have an urgent responsibility to stop Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya.

As the home country of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, the conference urges the Government of Norway to immediately prioritize ending Myanmar’s genocide over its economic interests in that country, including sizable investment by Telenor and StatOil.

The conference calls upon the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the European Union (EU), the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the United Nations (UN) and other relevant international actors to take all possible measures to pressure the Government of Myanmar to do the following:

- to immediately end its policies and practices of genocide;
- to restore full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingya;
- to institute the right of return for all displaced Rohingya;
- to effectively provide the Rohingya with all necessary protection; and
- to actively promote and support reconciliation between communities in Rakhine State, Myanmar.

Seven Nobel Peace laureates call the persecution of Rohingyas in Myanmar a genocide and demand action as two-day Oslo conference ends


Seven Nobel Peace laureates call the persecution of Rohingyas in Myanmar a genocide and demand action as two-day Oslo conference ends

Oslo, Norway, May 28, 2015 - A two-day conference focusing on ending the persecution of Burma's Rohingyas concluded today, with a call from seven Nobel Peace Laureates to describe their plight as nothing less than a genocide. 

In his pre-recorded address to the conference, Desmond Tutu, leader of South Africa's anti-apartheid movement in the 1980s, called for an end to the slow genocide of the Rohingya. 

Tutu’s appeal was amplified by six other fellow Nobel Peace laureates: Mairead Maguire from Ireland, Jody Williams from the USA, Tawakkol Karman from Yeman, Shirin Ibadi from Iran, Leymah Gbowee from Liberia, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel from Argentina. They stated that, “what Rohingyas are facing is a textbook case of genocide in which an entire indigenous community is being systematically wiped out by the Burmese government.”

Philanthropist George Soros drew a parallel between his childhood memories of life in a Jewish ghetto under the Nazi occupation in Hungary and the plight of the Rohingya after visiting Rohingya neighborhood in Sittwe which he called a “ghetto”. “In 1944, as a Jew in Budapest, I, too was a Rohingya… The parallels to the Nazi genocide are alarming,” he said, in a pre-recorded address to the Oslo conference. 

The meeting was held at the prestigious Norwegian Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen Conference Center in Oslo, Norway. It was attended by Buddhist monks, Christian clergy, and Muslim leaders from Myanmar. Also present were genocide experts, international diplomats, interfaith and human rights leaders. Attendees explored ways to end Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya, as well as foster and communal harmony in Burma.

Addressing the conference, Morten Høglund, the State Secretary of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, announced his government’s decision to give 10 million Norwegian Kroner ($1.2 million US) in humanitarian assistance to Burma. The participants were dismayed however, as the State Secretary choose not to even mention the word “Rohingya” in his entire speech in an apparent compliance to Myanmar’s government stand.

The conference communiqué urged the Norwegian government to immediately prioritize ending Myanmar’s genocide over its economic interests in Burma, including sizeable investment by Telenor and StatOil. 

During the conference, former Prime Minister of Norway Kjell Magne Bondevik

conferred on three leading Myanmar monks who have saved Muslim lives in Burma and opposed Islamophobia the first-ever “World Harmony awards” on behalf of the Parliament of the World’s Religions, a 120-year-old interfaith organization. Rev. Seindita, Rev. Withudda, and Rev. Zawtikka, were the three awardees who also chanted Buddhist prayers at the inauguration.

Presenting the awards, the Parliament’s chair, Imam Malik Mujahid said, “These extraordinary monks challenge the widespread perception that all Buddhist monks clamor for violence against the Rohingyas.”

The participants from 16 different countries, including leading Rohingya activists and leaders, as well as genocide scholars, adopted the following statement:

--------------Full text of the communiqué adopted by the Oslo Conference----------

Today the Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Persecution of the Rohingya ended. The conference was held at the Norwegian Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen, Oslo, Norway on May 26 & 27, 2015.

After two days of deliberations the conference issue the following urgent appeal to the international community, based on the following conclusions:

1. The pattern of systematic human rights abuses against the ethnic Rohingya people entails crimes against humanity including the crime of genocide;

2. The Myanmar government’s denial of the existence of the Rohingya as a people violates the right of the Rohingya to self-identify;

3. The international community is privileging economic interests in Myanmar and failing to prioritize the need to end its systematic persecution and destruction of the Rohingya as an ethnic group.

The call by Archbishop Desmond Tutu to end Myanmar’s genocide of the Rohingya made during the Oslo conference is supported by six additional Nobel Peace Laureates: Mairead Maguire, Jody Williams, Tawakkol Karman, Shirin Ibadi, Leymah Gbowee, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel.

The United Nations and the international community have an urgent responsibility to stop Myanmar’s systematic persecution of the Rohingya.

As the home country of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, the conference urges the Government of Norway to immediately prioritize ending Myanmar’s genocide over its economic interests in that country, including sizeable investment by Telenor and StatOil. 

The conference calls upon the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the European Union (EU), the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the United

Nations (UN) and other relevant international actors to take all possible measures to pressure the Government of Myanmar to do the following:

to immediately end its policies and practices of genocide; 
to restore full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingya;
to institute the right of return for all displaced Rohingya; 
to effectively provide the Rohingya with all necessary protection; and
to actively promote and support reconciliation between communities in Rakhine State, Myanmar. 

Contact Persons:
USA: Imam Malik Mujahid
Chair Burma Task Force USA

UK: Dr. Maung Zarni:

Co-Author: Co-author (with Cowley) “The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya”

[Background information on the conference: The conference was co-organized and co-sponsored by the following organizations. However, the communiqué was adopted by the attendees of the conference without any approach to the respective organizations. 

Justice for All, Burma Task Force USA; Parliament of the World’s Religions; Refugees International (USA); International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) Queen Mary University of London; Harvard Global Equality Initiative (HGEI); Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI).

Dr. Maung Zarni and Imam Malik Mujahid serves as the co-chair of the conference] 


For conference photos contact Ahmed@BurmaMuslims.org

Links to transcripts and images

Link to their video recordings at 

Links to some of the news coverage:

Special Address on Rohingya issue for Oslo Conferene by OIC Special Envoy to Myanmar, Dr. Syed Hamid Albar

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Ladies and Gentlemen,

First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to the organizer of the conference for giving me an opportunity to represent OIC and talk about the Rohingya issue. After undertaking the responsibility as the OIC Special Envoy for Myanmar then I realized how complex and daunting the task is. InshaAllah, with Allah SWT guidance and continuous support from all parties, I am confident there is light at the end of the tunnel.

The Rohingya issue especially the crisis at the sea in South East Asia is so urgent that more must be said, more thought must be given and most importantly, short, mid and long term actions are taken and formulated. 

Those I have interacted or engaged with agree that the situation in Myanmar is serious and needs urgent attention. Let me at the outset say that the ongoing problem is not only about religion or ethnicity but human rights and identity crisis that the government had refused to address or admit.

I like all of us to remember, today we can sleep sheltered and safe tonight without the threat of a mob breaking down our doors or burning our homes. However, the Rohingya who also share this world with us are denied these fundamental rights, and suffer on a scale that no human must be allowed to suffer, especially children, women and elderly people. They are no different from us except for the circumstances of their birth. In these difficult moments it is our shared responsibility to reach our open hands to them.

This intolerance is not irreparable as prior to this the different communities had lived in peace and harmony. It is with patience, tolerance, kindness, that we can break this cycle. In the intelligence as well as diplomatic world we must be able to read the minds of the people we are negotiating with and devise our strategies accordingly. 

The argument that the Rohingyas are not indigenes but illegal immigrants from Bangladesh is unacceptable because who in his or her rightful mind would like to illegally migrate from a third world country to another third world place where they will face persecution as well. 

As we know the Rohingyas are indigenes ethnic community of Myanmar who has been there for generations and were excluded from the list in 1982, thus becoming stateless all of a sudden.

The list of ethnic groups of 1982 is not by an ‘Act of Parliament’ but rather an ‘Executive Order’ by the President of the Union at that time. If the Union Government is sincere in resolving the issue now, they can do it by another ‘Executive Order’. But it will require a strong political will which we feel is lacking at this time. They are adopting the ‘Wait and See’ policy for the time being. Or at least until the next general elections. 

This whole drama of excluding the Rohingya and other Muslim communities form the list is to push the Muslims out of the political scene of Myanmar and make Myanmar purely a Buddhist state, but how an entire population can be exterminated altogether, which according to some estimates is almost one third of the total population of Myanmar. There is hardly any ‘Purist’ state on the entire planet consisting of only one race or religion. 

Besides that, the solution they are considering to segregate the Rohingyas, put them in Camps and get them to agree to register themselves as Bengalis is in in fact not a solution. The problem, though may not be seen as such by Myanmar Government is that it may be the best way for the government to indirectly encourage them to migrate somewhere else. 

Against the background of political and social changes in Myanmar since 2011 and sectarian conflicts in Rakhine in 2012 and other parts of Myanmar in 2013, religious movements which the state tightly controlled in previous decades have become prominent and more vocal against the minorities. Among them, the most prominent one is the Buddhist nationalist movement led by “Ma-Ba-Tha”. Both Ma-Ba-Tha and 969, which is a constituent association of the former, have widely popularized the claim that Buddhism is under threat from Islam and Islamization.

These trends have caused and contributed to human rights crises, gender-based discrimination, statelessness, segregation, refugee flows and other threats to security, posing challenges to Myanmar’s transition to democracy and upcoming elections. Moreover, these trends threaten regional stability and could exacerbate violence and polarisation along religious and ethnic fault-lines. Such pattern could seriously undermine the establishment, sustainability and credibility of the ASEAN Community, including economic integration and regional economic development. This unwanted home environment has forced many Rohingyas flee Myanmar to find a basic living environment elsewhere.

Since then, more than one million Rohingya who remain in Myanmar have seen their situation deteriorate to the point that over the last two years, as many as 100,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine state on unseaworthy boats with hopes of reaching Malaysia or Thailand but often put them in the hands of vicious human traffickers including death. These people are not migrants seeking job or economic opportunity but leaving their motherland due to suppression, fearing abuses and killings. 

Largely unwanted at home and by Bangladesh and faced with increasingly precarious conditions in Rakhine, the Rohingya boat people have changed their destination from Bangladesh to other neighboring countries in the 2000s and have often fallen prey to regional human trafficking networks. However, unfortunately, the Bangladeshi joined the Rohingyas and created immigration threat to those countries. Likewise, the “new boat people” are not really welcomed in Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia.

Moreover, whenever those neighboring countries urged the Myanmar Government to take responsible of these boat people, Myanmar officials expediently respond by claiming that those so-called Rohingya who land on the shores of Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia are not from Myanmar or that their Myanmar citizenship must be scrutinized first before Myanmar take responsibility for them. This has effectively created a dilemma for Myanmar’s neighbors and ASEAN. Increasingly precarious conditions of Rohingya in Rakhine and complete rejection of them as fellow Myanmar citizens by the majority of the people in Myanmar will likely mean an ongoing influx in the number of Rohingya boatpeople seeking asylum in neighboring countries over the coming years. 

The Government of Myanmar should be held responsible and to undertake concrete and positive steps to put an end to all acts of violence, human rights violations and discriminatory policies against the Rohingya, such actions will only tarnish Myanmar’s image and acceptability in the region and internationally. 

The plight of the Rohingya warrants serious attention and action as they continue to suffer under the current circumstances which could pose a security problem for the region.

I also think with cautious optimism, patience and perseverance there is a fair chance of resolving the issue.

To conclude, given the complexities of the ongoing problem in Myanmar, it is only natural that we weigh all options carefully and in a pragmatic manner to achieve the desired outcomes. We need to strategize the best approach to correct negative perceptions through regular contacts and engagements. In this respect, a closer collaboration with state and non-state actors is definitely necessary. We need both “soft” and “constructive” approach to connect all parties for an amicable solution.

I strongly believe that it is a delicate balance that we are searching for: we must continue to respect the principle of sovereignty and at the same time fulfill our responsibility to protect and give the help and support to those thousands who have made pleas to the international community and who are losing hope as they wait on our decisions. 

Thank you.

Oslo Conference on Rohingyas ၌ Mairead Maguire ေျပာၾကားသည့္ ဗီဒီယုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ေမ ၂၆၊ ၂၀၁၅
ေအာစလုိ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း

ျမန္မာျပည္က ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ဳိးေတြ အတြက္ တသားတည္း ရွိမႈနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံမႈ ျပသတဲ့ သတင္း စကားကုိ က်မ ပါးလုိက္ ပါရေစ။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔ ဘုိးစဥ္ ေဘာင္ဆက္ အိမ္ေတြမွာ ေနလာ ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသား ဌာေနဖြား တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိတာဆုိလုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ထံကေန ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရက သိမ္းယူသြားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံသားအဆင့္အတန္းကုိ ျပန္လည္ေပးအပ္ဖုိ႔ဆုိတာပါပဲ။ သူတုိ႔ပုိင္ဆုိင္ရာေျမေပၚမွာ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ႏုိင္ငံသားမဟုတ္သလုိ ဆက္ဆံတာဟာ ကုိယ္က်င့္ပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာ မွားယြင္းေနပါတယ္။

၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ကစလုိ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ ေဘးဒုကၡဟာ ပုိမုိဆုိးရြားလုိ႔ လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ညီတူညီမွ်ေလာက္ အႏၱရာယ္မ်ားတဲ့ ေရြးခ်ယ္စရာ လမ္းႏွစ္ခုသာ ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ျမင္ခံစားေနၾကရပါတယ္။ တလမ္းက ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမွာ ဆက္ေနၿပီး အေသခံမလား။ ေနာက္တလမ္းက ေလွစီးၿပီး ထြက္ေျပးမလား ဆုိတာပါပဲ။ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးအဆုိအရ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းမွာ ထုိင္း နဲ႔ မေလးရွား ကုိ ဦးတည္သြားတဲ့ ေလွေတြထဲမွာ ကေလးသူငယ္နဲ႔ မိန္းမမ်ားအပါအဝင္ ျမန္မာနဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ထြက္ခြာလာတဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာအေရအတြက္ဟာ ၅၃၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိပါတယ္။

အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းအေနနဲ႔ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဆီကုိ အေျခခံ လူသားခ်င္းေထာက္ထားတဲ့ အကူအညီေတြ အေရာက္ေပးပုိ႔ၾကဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္မွာ အဲဒီ လူသားခ်င္းေထာက္ထားတဲ့ အကူအညီေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔ထံကုိ မေရာက္ရွိေသးပါဘူး။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ လက္နက္မကုိင္၊ အၾကမ္းမဖက္နည္းနဲ႔ ႐ုန္းကန္တုိက္ပြဲဝင္ေနၾကရတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္က တခုတည္းေသာ လူနည္းစုတုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အေျခခံလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေတြအတြက္ အသုံးျပဳေနတဲ့ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ တုိက္ပြဲကုိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အသုိင္းအဝုိင္းက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳၿပီး ေထာက္ခံအားေပးၾကဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။

႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြ ခံစားေနရတဲ့ ဒုကၡ နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ဟာ သူတုိ႔အစုိးရလက္ထဲမွာ လူသားမ်ိဳးႏြယ္အေပၚက်ဴးလြန္တဲ့ ရာဇဝတ္မႈေတြကုိ ႀကဳံေတြ႕ခံစားေနရတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အခ်က္ကုိ ဥေရာပသမဂၢ၊ အာဆီယံနဲ႔ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းေတြက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလက္ခံဖုိ႔ က်မတုိ႔ လုိလားပါတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ လူမ်ဳိးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္တာကုိ အဆုံးသတ္ဖုိ႔ က်မတုိ႔ အလုိရွိပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာအစုိးရနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးစကားဝိုင္းေတြလုပ္မယ္၊ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ဆက္ဆံမယ္ဆုိရင္ အဲဒီအခ်က္ဟာ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အေျခခံ ျဖစ္ရပါမယ္။

က်မရဲ႕ မိတ္ေဆြလည္းျဖစ္၊ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကုိင္ဖက္လည္းျဖစ္သူ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအဝင္ အျခားေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္အတူ လက္တြဲၿပီး က်မ တုိက္တြန္းပါတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးေတြအတြက္ ရပ္တည္ေပးဖုိ႔နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔အသက္ေတြကုိ ကယ္တင္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ရပ္တည္ေျပာၾကားေပးဖုိ႔ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းတခုအေနနဲ႔ က်မတုိ႔မွာ တာဝန္ရွိပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္းမွာ၊ သူတုိ႔လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းၾကားမွာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ေနရာမွန္ ျပန္လည္ရရွိဖုိ႔ နဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ သူ႕လူမ်ဳိးအားလုံးအတြက္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကုိ ရွာေဖြဖုိ႔ ေရွ႕သုိ႔ ဆက္ေရြ႕လိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ က်မတုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။

ေက်းဇူးအမ်ားႀကီးတင္ပါတယ္။ မုိင္ရိဒ္ မက္ဂြဲ ပါ။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။

The Speech of Maired Maguire at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

I would like to send a message of solidarity and support for the Rohingya people of Myanmar. Rohingyas are indigenous people of Burma, living in their ancestral homes. All they ask is to restore their citizenship that was taken away by the military government. It is morally wrong to treat them as non-citizens on their own lands.

The plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar has worsened since 2012. Right now they feel they have 2 equally risky options- to stay and die in Myanmar or leave by boat. According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Approximately 53,000 Rohingyas including women and children left Myanmar and Bangladesh by boats bound for Thailand and Malaysia in 2014.

The international community needs to support the delivery of basic humanitarian aid to the Rohingyas. Right now, that humanitarian aid is not reaching them. The Rohingya are the only ethnic group in Burma whose struggle is peaceful, without any arms, and it’s time the international community recognized and supported their nonviolence struggle for their basic human rights.

We want the European Union, ASEAN, and the International Community to recognize the suffering of the Rohingya people, and the fact that they're experiencing crimes against humanity at the hands of their own government. We want the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people to end. This is an important basis for any real peace talks and engagement with the Myanmar government.

I am joining with other leaders in making this call, including my dear friend and colleague Archbishop Desmond Tutu. We as the International Community have a responsibility to stand for the rights of the Rohingya people and to speak out to save their lives. We hope that action will be taken so that they can find their place in their country, in their society and that Burma will move forward to find real peace for all its people. 

Thank you very much. Maired Maguire. Thank you.

Oslo Conference on Rohingyas ၌ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး Desmond Tutu ေျပာၾကားသည့္ ဗီဒီယုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ေမ ၂၆၊ ၂၀၁၅
ေအာစလုိ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း

ဟဲလုိ… ၿငိမ္ခ်မ္းေရး ျမတ္ႏုိးသူမ်ား၊ လုပ္ေဖာ္ ကုိင္ဖက္ မ်ားႏွင့္ မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား ခင္ဗ်ား။

အီလက္ ထေရာနစ္ နည္းနဲ႔ ခင္ဗ်ား တုိ႔ကုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း ေျပာရတဲ့ အတြက္ ဝမ္းနည္း ပါတယ္။ အသက္ အရြယ္ႀကီးရင့္လာျခင္းရဲ႕ ဆုိးက်ဳိးေတြ ထဲက တခုကေတာ့ ခရီးသြားရတာ တမ်ဳိးတမည္ ခက္ခဲ လာတတ္ တာပါပဲ။ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ အရွည္ၾကာဆုံး လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ကပ္ေဘးႀကီးေတြထဲက တခုကုိ ေျဖရွင္းဖုိ႔ အတြက္ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အာ႐ုံ စူးစုိက္မႈေတြကုိ အထုိင္ ခ်ေနၾကတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အားေပး စကားနဲ႔ တသားတည္း ရွိမႈ စကား အနည္းငယ္ကုိ ေျပာၾကားခြင့္ ရတဲ့ အတြက္ အားလုံးကုိ ေက်းဇူး တင္ပါတယ္။

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္ အတြင္း ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြကုိ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရေပၚ အမွတ္ေပးေသာ္လည္း ဒီအခ်က္က ကုိယ့္တုိင္းရင္းသားလူနည္းစုေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ အထူးသျဖင့္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအေပၚမွာ ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ့ ျငင္းဆန္မႈ နဲ႔ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြကုိ မျမင္ေတာ့ေလာက္ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကုိ ေၾကာင္ေတာင္မကန္းေစခဲ့ပါဘူး။ တုိင္းျပည္တျပည္ဟာ သူ႕ကုိယ္သူ ျပန္ၿပီး ရန္လုိေနခဲ့ရင္၊ သူတုိင္းသူျပည္သားအားလုံးရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာနဲ႔ တန္ဘုိးကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳဖုိ႔ ကာကြယ္ဖုိ႔ ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့တယ္ဆုိရင္ အဲဒီတုိင္းျပည္ဟာ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္တခု မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ လြတ္လပ္မႈဆုိတာ ခြဲျခမ္းေပးလုိ႔ ရတာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္။ အားလုံးကုိ ဖိတ္ေခၚရမယ္။ အားလုံးကုိ တခုလုံးေပးရမယ္။

ၿဗိတိသွ်ေတြက ဗမာျပည္နယ္စပ္မ်ဥ္းကုိ ေျမပုံေပၚမွာဆြဲခဲ့တုန္းက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ တုိင္ပင္ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ဘူး။ အဲဒီ ေဖာင္တိန္ဆြဲသားခ်က္ေတြနဲ႔အတူ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ နယ္နိမိတ္အနားသတ္ေျမေပၚက လူသားေတြ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဘုိးဘြားစဥ္ဆက္ေနလာခဲ့တဲ့ ေျမဟာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးနယ္နိမိတ္စည္းမ်ဥ္းေတြကုိ ေက်ာ္ျဖတ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမွာက္ခံရတဲ့ ကုိလုိနီေခတ္လြန္ ဗမာအစုိးရက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ မူလကတည္းက အေျခခ်ေနထုိ္င္တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ တရားဝင္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ၁၉၇၄ ခုႏွစ္အထိ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ပထမ စစ္အစုိးရကလည္း ထုိနည္းတူစြာ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။

တုိင္းျပည္အေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာရွိတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ားအေပၚ စစ္တပ္က ျခယ္လွယ္မႈဟာ သကၠရာဇ္ကုိ ေနာက္ျပန္သြားၾကည့္ရင္ ၁၉၅၀ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္အထိ ျပန္သြားပါတယ္။ ပထမေတာ့ ရခုိင္ခြဲထြက္ေရးသမားမ်ားကုိ ေခ်မႈန္းၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာရခုိင္ေတြကုိ ေခါင္းမေထာင္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ႏွိမ္နင္းဖုိ႔ စစ္တပ္ဟာ မြတ္ဆလင္႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ စစ္တပ္က ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဖက္လွည့္လာတယ္။ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ အေရွ႕ဖ်ားစီးပြားေရးေစာင့္ၾကည့္စာေစာင္မွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ဗမာ အသားအေရာင္ခြဲျခားမႈရဲ႕ သားေကာင္ေတြလုိ႔ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္ၾကာၿပီးေနာက္ ႏုိင္ငံသားဥပေဒတရပ္က ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားစာရင္းက ပယ္ဖ်က္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ကုိ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံက ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕လာသူ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြလုိ႔ ပုံေဖာ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ မြတ္ဆလင္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေရခ်ိန္ျမင့္မားလာခ်ိန္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္အမ်ားစုဟာ အထူးသျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္က ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ေတြဟာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြလုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတသိန္းေက်ာ္ဟာ ယာယီဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြမွာ ပိတ္မိေနပါတယ္။ “သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ လုံၿခဳံမႈအတြက္”ဆုိၿပီး သူတုိ႔ကုိ အဲဒီစခန္းေတြထဲက အျပင္ထြက္ခြင့္မေပးပါဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ယာယီသက္ေသခံ ကပ္ျပားေတြကုိ ကုိင္ေဆာင္ထားပါတယ္။ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလမွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ မဲေပးခြင့္ေတြ ဆုံး႐ႈံးသြားခဲ့ေတာ့ပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ ရခုိင္ေတြနဲ႔ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအၾကားက ပဋိပကၡကုိ သာမန္ ဘာသာေရးအရ ခုိက္ရန္ျဖစ္ပြားမႈ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြအၾကား ခုိက္ရန္ျဖစ္ပြားမႈလုိ႔ ပုံေဖာ္ကာ တာဝန္ကေန ေရွာင္လႊဲဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႔ကေတာ့ စီးပြားေရးဆုိင္ရာ ႏုိဘဲလ္ဆုရွင္ အမၼာတီယာဆင္ အပါအဝင္ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ပညာရွင္မ်ားနဲ႔ သုေတသနသမားမ်ားရဲ႕ သတိေပးခ်က္ကုိပဲ ပုိၿပီး အေလးဂ႐ုျပဳမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အမၼာတီယာဆင္ရဲ႕ အဆုိအရ အစုိးရရဲ႕ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္ဟာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြအေပၚမွာ က်ဴးလြန္တဲ့ တျဖည္းျဖည္းမွ်င္းသတ္ေနေသာ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈကုိ ဖုံးကြယ္ဖုိ႔ တမင္တကာ မဟုတ္မမွန္ ဆင္လုံးမွ်သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမုန္းတီးေရးစိတ္ေတြကုိ အစုိးရကုိယ္တုိင္က ဂ႐ုတစုိက္နဲ႔ ပ်ဳိးေထာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေထာက္အထားေတြ ရွိေနပါတယ္လုိ႔ ပညာရွင္မ်ားက ဆုိပါတယ္။

လူသားေတြဟာ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ ပုံပန္းသ႑ာန္ နဲ႔ ျပဳမူပုံ ကြဲလြဲမႈ ရွိခ်င္ရွိပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဘယ္သူကမွ ပုိၿပီးသာလြန္ျမင့္ျမတ္တယ္လုိ႔ မေျပာၾကားႏုိင္ၾကပါဘူး။ သဘာဝအတုိင္းကေတာ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ေတြနဲ႔ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြအၾကား ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈမရွိပါဘူး။ ခရစ္ယာန္တေယာက္ရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသားကုိယူၿပီး ဟိႏၵဴတေယာက္ရဲ႕ ရင္ဘတ္ထဲမွာ အစားထုိး ထည့္ေပးလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ အစၥေရးႏုိင္ငံသားတေယာက္ရဲ႕ ေက်ာက္ကပ္ကုိ ပါလက္စတုိင္းတေယာက္ထံ ေပးလွဴလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေမြးဖြားလာၾကတယ္ဆုိတာ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ အထင္အျမင္လြဲမွားမႈမရွိဘဲ၊ မယုံမၾကည္ မျဖစ္ဘဲ ခ်စ္ခင္ၾကဖုိ႔ ။ လူသားဆုိတဲ့ မိသားစုတခုရဲ႕ မိသားစုဝင္ေတြသာ ျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ဖုိ႔နဲ႔ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးအတြက္သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အားလုံးပါပဲ။

ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံဖုိ႔၊ မႏွစ္သက္ဖုိ႔ နဲ႔ မုန္းတီးဖုိ႔ဆုိတာ သင္ၾကားေပးလုိ႔ တတ္ေျမာက္လာၾကတာပါ။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကုိ ခ်စ္ျမတ္ႏုိးသူေတြအေနနဲ႔၊ မိသားစုဝင္အားလုံးရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာနဲ႔ လုံၿခဳံမႈအတြက္ အခြင့္အေရးေတြအေပၚ ယုံၾကည္သူမ်ားအေနနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအတြက္ သတ္သတ္မွတ္မွတ္ တာဝန္ရွိပါတယ္။

၂၀၁၅ ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္အတြက္ ႀကီးက်ယ္တဲ့ ႏွစ္ တခုပါ။ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအတြက္ လူထုဆႏၵခံယူပြဲေရာ၊ အေထြေထြေရြးေကာက္ပြဲပါ ဒီႏွစ္ထဲမွာ ရွိပါတယ္။ စတင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြအေပၚမွာ ဆက္လက္တည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔ ဒီတုိင္းျပည္ကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အားေပးေနတဲ့ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ ကပ္ေဘးဒုကၡကုိ မ်က္ေျချပတ္မသြားေစဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မွာ တာဝန္ရွိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အစုိးရေတြ၊ ေကာ္ပုိေရးရွင္းႀကီးေတြအေနနဲ႔ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ကုိ ရွာေဖြရင္း ျမန္မာျပည္နဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရးအသစ္ေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ၾကတဲ့အခါ အဲဒီ ဆက္ဆံေရးေတြဟာ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ က်င့္ဝတ္အေျခခံေတြေပၚမွာ တည္ေဆာက္လာၾကေစဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မွာ တာဝန္ရွိပါတယ္။

ဥေရာပသမဂၢအပါအဝင္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ နဲ႔ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာ အကူအညီမ်ား၊ ေခ်းငွားမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ၾကတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ျမန္မာျပည္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖဳိးေရးအတြက္ ရန္ပုံေငြေတြ ေပးတဲ့အခါမွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံသားအဆင့္အတန္း၊ အမ်ဳိးသားအမွတ္အသားနဲ႔ အေျခခံလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးဖုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမယ့္ သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ေတြ ထားရွိၿပီးမွ ရန္ပုံေငြေတြကုိ ေပးအပ္ၾကဖုိ႔ဆုိတဲ့ ဘုံရပ္တည္ခ်က္တခုကုိ လက္ခံက်င့္သုံးလာၾကေစရန္ စည္း႐ုံးရမယ့္တာဝန္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မွာ ရွိပါတယ္။

ဒါပါပဲ ခင္ဗ်ား။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။ မိတ္ေဆြတုိ႔အားလုံးကုိ ဘုရားသခင္ ေကာင္းခ်ီးေပးပါေစ။

The Speech of Archbishop Desmond Tutu at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Hello peace lovers, colleagues, and friends. I'm sorry to have to address you electronically. One of the pitfalls of old age is that travel becomes somewhat tricky. Thank you for the opportunity to say a few words of encouragement and solidarity as you settle down to apply your minds to solving one of the most enduring human rights crises on earth. 

The credit that is due to the government of Myanmar for reforms undertaken over the past couple of years does not blind us to the ongoing disavowal and repression of its ethnic minorities, the Rohingya population in particular. A country that is not at peace with itself, that fails to acknowledge and protect the dignity and worth of all its people, is not a free country. Freedom is indivisible. All must be invited. All, a part. 

The Rohingya people were not consulted when the British drew the Burmese border on the map. With those strokes of a pen, they became a borderland people; people whose ancestral land traverses political boundaries. Burma's post colonial government elected in 1948 officially recognized the Rohingya as an indigenous community, as did its first military government that ruled from 1962 to 1974. 

Manipulation by the military of ethnic minorities in the west of the country dates back to the late 1950s. At first, the military sought to co-opt the Muslim Rohingya to quell the Buddhist Rakhine after Rakhine separatists had been crushed. The military turned only Rohingya. In 1978, the Far Eastern Economic review described the Rohingya as the victims of Burmese apartheid. 

A few years later, a citizenship law left the Rohingya off the list of indigenous people, describing them as Muslim immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. In the context of rising anti-Muslim sentiment in Myanmar, many Buddhists, particularly in Rakhine State regard the Rohingya as illegal immigrants. More than 100,000 Rohingya are trapped in internment camps. They may not leave “for their own protection.” They hold only temporary identity cards. In February, they lost all voting rights. 

The government of Myanmar has sought to absolve itself of responsibility for the conflict between the Rakhine and the Rohingya, projecting it as sectarian or communal violence. I would be more inclined to heed the warnings of eminent scholars and researchers including Amartya Sen, the Nobel laureate in economics, who say this is a deliberately false narrative to camouflage the slow genocide being committed against the Rohingya people. There's evidence they say that anti-Rohingya sentiment has been carefully cultivated by the government itself. 

Human beings may look and behave differently to one another, but ultimately none of us can claim any kind of supremacy. We are all the same. There are no natural differences between Buddhists and Muslims. It is possible to transplant a Christian heart into a Hindu chest and for a citizen of Israel to donate a kidney to a Palestinian. We're born to love-- without prejudice, without distrust. Members of one family, the human family-- made for each other and for goodness. All of us! 

We are taught to discriminate, to dislike, and to hate. As lovers of peace and believers in the right of all members of the family to dignity and security, we have particular responsibilities to the Rohingya. 

2015 is a big year for Myanmar with both a referendum on its constitution and a general election on its calendar. Even as we seek to encourage the country to build on the reforms it has started, we have a responsibility to ensure that the plight of the Rohingya is not lost. We have a responsibility to hold to account those of our governments and corporations that seek to profit from new relationships with Myanmar to ensure their relationships are established on sound ethical basis. 

We have a responsibility to persuade our international and regional aid and grant making institutions, including the European Union, to adopt a common position making funding the development of Myanmar conditional on the restoration of citizenship, nationality, and basic human rights to the Rohingya. 

Over to you. Thank you and God bless you all.

Oslo Conference on Rohingyas ၌ Dr. Mahathir Mohamad ေျပာၾကားသည့္ ဗီဒီယုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ေမ ၂၆၊ ၂၀၁၅
ေအာစလုိ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း

ဒီကေန႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ့ ျဖစ္ရပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး က်ေနာ္ ဝမ္းနည္းမိပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကုိ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ အာရွ ႏုိင္ငံ မ်ားရဲ႕ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း တခု ျဖစ္တဲ့ အာဆီယံ မွာ အသင္းဝင္ႏုိင္ငံ တႏုိင္ငံ အျဖစ္ ဝင္ေရာက္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ အေရးမွာ က်ေနာ္ဟာ အခရာ က်ခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္။ ပထဝီ အေနအထား အရၾကည့္ရင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဟာ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ အာရွရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပုိင္းတခု ဧကန္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဖယ္ထုတ္ထားမယ္ ဆုိရင္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ညီညြတ္ေရး ဆုိတဲ့ အယူအဆနဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖီလာ ျဖစ္ေနပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက သူ႕ျပည္သူေတြကုိ ဆက္ဆံပုံဟာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚဆက္ဆံသလုိမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္တာကုိ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဖယ္ထုတ္မထားခ်င္ခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီကေန႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကေတာ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၈၀၀ ေလာက္ကတည္းက သူ႕ႏုိင္ငံထဲမွာ အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေခၚ မြတ္ဆလင္လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြကုိ ေမာင္းထုတ္ဖုိ႔ အေရးယူလုပ္ေဆာင္ေနပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ အရင္က ဗမာျပည္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြအျဖစ္ အၿမဲတေစ သတ္မွတ္ခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ဆုိတာ အရင္က ဗမာျပည္ကုိပဲ ဆက္လက္ေခၚေဝၚတာပဲမုိ႔ ဒီလူမ်ဳိးစုေတြကုိ သူ႕ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြအျဖစ္ လက္ခံသင့္ပါတယ္။

ဒီကေန႔ မေလးရွားႏုိင္ငံမွာဆုိရင္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ ၂၀၀ ေလာက္ကစလုိ႔ တျခားႏုိင္ငံေတြက လာေရာက္အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္တဲ့ လူေတြအမ်ားအျပား ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြမွာ မေလးရွားႏုိင္ငံသားေတြျဖစ္လာဖုိ႔ အခြင့္အေရးရွိတယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအခြင့္အေရးေတြ ေပးဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေလ့က်င့့္ေပးဖုိ႔၊ မေလးရွားႏုိင္ငံထဲမွာ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ လုပ္ခြင့္ေပးဖုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြအျဖစ္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ပါတယ္။

မေလးရွားနဲ႔ မတူတာကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဟာ အဲဒီမွာ တေလွ်ာက္လုံး ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ သူ႕ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ေတာင္ မျပဳခ်င္တာကုိ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဖက္က အႀကီးအက်ယ္ မတရားလြန္းတာပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ႀကဳိးပမ္းမႈေၾကာင့္ အက်ဳိးရွိသြားတဲ့ သူေတြ (ဥပမာ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္)အေနနဲ႔ အစုိးရရဲ႕ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈဟာ လက္သင့္ခံႏုိင္စရာမရွိဘူးလုိ႔ သေဘာေပါက္ၾကမယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခဲ့မိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားေတြပဲ ျဖစ္တဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ ကာကြယ္ဖုိ႔က်ေတာ့ ျမန္မာျပည္က လူအနည္းအက်ဥ္းေလာက္ပဲ ေရွ႕ထြက္လာေဖာ္ရတယ္။

ဒီဗုဒၶဘာသာအမ်ားစုတုိင္းျပည္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြ ျဖစ္ေနၾကေပမယ့္ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ ျပႆနာအေပၚမွာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းကေန အထူးအာ႐ုံစုိက္ၾကဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ရသင့္ၿပီး ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမရွိဘဲ ေနထုိင္ခြင့္လည္း ရသင့္ပါတယ္။ ဘာသာမတူတဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြအေပၚမွာ နားလည္သည္းခံမႈဆုိတာ ရွိရပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ထပ္ၿပီး ေျပာလုိတာက မေလးရွားမွာဆုိရင္ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြဟာ လူမ်ားစုျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ တျခားဘာသာ သက္ဝင္သူေတြကုိလည္း စာနာေထာက္ထားစိတ္နဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ကုိ မေလးရွားႏုိင္ငံသားေတြျဖစ္လာဖုိ႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ ေပးတယ္။ ဒီႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ ဥပေဒေတြ အက်ဳိးကုိ ခံစားခြင့္ ေပးတယ္။ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းအေနနဲ႔ တျခားတုိင္းျပည္ေတြကုိ သေဘၤာေတြနဲ႔ ထြက္ေျပးဖုိ႔ ဖိအားေပးခံရတဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ ျပႆနာအေပၚ အာ႐ုံစုိက္ၾကဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိ ထြက္ေျပးလာၾကတဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြထဲက အမ်ားအျပားဟာ ပင္လယ္ျပင္မွာ ေရနစ္ေသကုန္ၾကၿပီ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ တျခားတုိင္းျပည္ေတြဆီ သူတုိ႔ကုိ သယ္ေဆာင္သြားဖုိ႔အတြက္ သေဘၤာေကာင္းေကာင္းေတြကုိ မရႏုိင္ခဲ့လုိ႔ပဲျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒါဟာ လူသားေတြအဖုိ႔ ေၾကကြဲဝမ္းနည္းစရာအျဖစ္အပ်က္ပါဘဲ။ ဒီလုိ ဒီမုိကေရစီႏုိင္ငံတခုျဖစ္လာဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္တခုအျဖစ္နဲ႔ မေလ်ာ္ညီစြာဘဲ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံေနရတဲ့ ကံမေကာင္းအေၾကာင္းမလွတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက လူမ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုတခုကုိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအဝုိင္းကေန ကူညီေပးလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ တကယ္ပဲ ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။

The Speech of Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo Norway

I feel much saddened by the events taking place in Myanmar today. I was very instrumental in getting Myanmar to become a member of the ASEAN, the regional grouping of Southeast Asian countries. Myanmar, geographically, is definitely a part of Southeast Asia, and its exclusion would be contrary to the idea of South East Asian unity. But now, we find that Myanmar is not treating its own people the way we treat Myanmar.

We did not want Myanmar to be excluded but Myanmar today is taking action to expel the Rohingyas, the Muslim part of this population who have been there for the past 800 years or so. They have always been regarded as citizens of Burma before, and since Myanmar is a continuation of Burma it should accept these people as its citizens. 

Now Malaysia also has a lot of people from other countries who have settled here in the last 200 years or so. We decided that they have a right to be citizens of Malaysia, to be given political rights, and to be allowed to train and carry out business in Malaysia. We regard them as our citizens.

Unlike Malaysia, we find that Myanmar does not even want to recognize the Rohingyas who have been there all this while as its citizens. This is grossly unjust on the part of the government of Myanmar. I had expected that those who benefited from our struggle to get Myanmar to release (for example Aung San Suu Kyi) that they would realize that oppression by the government is something that is intolerable; and yet few people from Myanmar have risen to the occasion to defend the rights of the Rohingyas who after all are citizens of Myanmar.

I hope that the international community would focus its attention on the problem of the Rohingyas who are Muslims, but they are citizens of this Buddhist dominated country. They should live and be allowed to live in Myanmar without oppression. There should be tolerance of peoples of other religions.

Again I would like to mention that in Malaysia, although the majority of the people are Muslims, we have treated people with other faiths with consideration and we have given them rights to become citizens of Malaysia and to benefit from the laws of this country. I hope that the international community would focus on the problem of the Rohingyas who today are being forced to flee in ships to other countries and many of them drown in the sea because they were not able to get good ships to carry them to other countries.

This is a human tragedy and I do hope that the international community would help these unfortunate people of Myanmar who have been discriminated against in a way that is not becoming of a country that aspires to become a democratic country. I thank you.

Oslo Conference on Rohingyas ၌ Dr. Jose Romos-Horta ေျပာၾကားသည့္ ဗီဒီယုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ေမ ၂၆၊ ၂၀၁၅
ေအာစလုိ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း

ဟဲလုိ။ အခု ဟုိေဆး ရာမုိ႔စ္ ေအာ့တာ နယူးေယာ့ခ္ ကေန စကား ေျပာေနတာပါ။ အခုလုိ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေတြဆီကုိ ဦးတည္ေနၿပီး ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ လြတ္လပ္မႈ ႏွင့္ တရား ဥပေဒ စုိးမုိးမႈ တုိ႔ကုိ ေပါင္းစည္း ေပးေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ ယူဆ ရတဲ့ အခ်ိန္နဲ႔ ခ်ိန္သားကုိက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ စုေဝးပြဲႀကီးမွာ ေအာ္စလုိမွာ ရွိမေနႏုိင္တဲ့ အတြက္ က်ေနာ္ ဝမ္းနည္း ပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ဟာ ျမန္မာ့ အေရး ကၽြမ္းက်င္သူ တေယာက္ရယ္လုိ႔ မေျပာၾကားႏုိင္ေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္နဲ႔ အင္မတန္ ရင္းႏွီး ကၽြမ္းဝင္ လွပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ခံ အတိတ္ကာလက လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကုိ မသိၾကေသးသူေတြအတြက္ ေျပာရရင္ က်ေနာ္ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္ေပၚ ဘယ္သူမွ အာ႐ုံမစုိက္ၾကေသးခင္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလုိင္လထဲမွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ ပထမဦးဆုံးအႀကိမ္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ခ်င္းမုိင္ကေန နယ္ျခားကုိ ျဖတ္ၿပီး မဏိပူရအထိ က်ေနာ္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကုိင္ဖက္အခ်ဳိ႕နဲ႔အတူ က်ေနာ္ဟာ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြ၊ တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြကုိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား နဲ႔ သံတမန္ေရးရာ ေလ့က်င့္ေရးပ႐ုိဂရမ္တခုကုိ ျပဳလုပ္သင္ၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲသည္ က်ေနာ္သိတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားနဲ႔ တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူအမ်ားစုဟာ ကေန႔အခါမွာ သူတုိ႔ဇာတိတုိင္းျပည္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ကုိ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရွိေနၾကၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းက ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ ပူးေပါင္းပါဝင္ေနၾကပါတယ္။

ကမၻာေပၚမွာ လစ္လ်ဴအ႐ႈခံရဆုံး၊ ေမ့ထားခံရဆုံး လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိးကုိ ျပပါဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္က ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြလုိ႔ပဲ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေျပာရပါမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးဟာ ဒီကမၻာၿဂိဳဟ္ေပၚက လူသားမ်ားပဲ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုေပါင္းစုံ အေရာအေႏွာတခုပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတြ၊ တန္ဘုိးေတြ၊ မတူညီေသာ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံေတြကုိ ေပါင္းစပ္ထားတဲ့ ေနရာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လႊမ္းမုိးမႈေတြ မ်ားျပားလွတဲ့ အာရွက လမ္းဆုံလမ္းခြ တခုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လူသားေတြအေနနဲ႔၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားေတြအေနနဲ႔ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ အနည္းဆုံးေသာ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ၊ အနည္းဆုံးေသာ အက်ဳိးခံစားခြင့္ေတြကုိသာ ရရွိေနၾကပုံပါပဲ။ သာမန္ထက္ပုိကဲတဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ၊ အရွက္ခြဲမႈေတြ၊ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈေတြ နဲ႔ ဘုိးဘြားပုိင္ေျမကေန ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ႏွင္ထုတ္တာေတြ ရွိေနပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ ႏွစ္ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေနလာခဲ့သည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ႏွစ္ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေနလာခဲ့သည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ မ်ဳိးဆက္အနည္းငယ္မွ်သာ ေနလာခဲ့ၾကသည္ျဖစ္ေစ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြအေနနဲ႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ ရွိေနပါေသးတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာပဲ ေမြးဖြားခဲ့ၾကလုိ႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ မ်ဳိးဆက္မ်ားစြာ ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၾကာ ေနခဲ့သလဲဆုိတာ အေရးမပါေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ရာစုႏွစ္ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေနခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါေစ။

ျမန္မာျပည္က ဘယ္အုပ္စုကုိမွ က်ေနာ္ လက္ခ်ာမေပးခ်င္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာျပည္က အာဏာပုိင္ေတြကုိလည္း လက္ခ်ာ မေပးခ်င္ပါဘူး။ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကေန ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကုိ အကူးအေျပာင္း ျဖစ္စဥ္ဟာ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးေပြလီတယ္၊ ေကာက္ေကြ႕တယ္၊ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ရွည္လ်ားမယ္ မေျပာႏုိင္ဘူး ဆုိတာေတြကုိ က်ေနာ္သိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ေဆြးေႏြးညွိႏႈိင္းတတ္တဲ့ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္၊ အျပန္အလွန္ ေလးစားလက္ခံတဲ့ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ ပြင့္လင္းတဲ့၊ အေရာင္အေသြးစုံလင္တဲ့၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအားလုံးနဲ႔ ဘာသာေပါင္းစုံအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြကုိ အားလုံး ေပြ႕ဖက္ႀကဳိဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ ဦးတည္ေစမယ့္ လမ္းျပေျမပုံတခုဆီ ေရြ႕လ်ားသြားေအာင္ အေျခအေန ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္တခုကုိ ဖန္တီးၾကရပါမယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အေျပာလြယ္သေလာက္ အလုပ္ခက္တယ္ဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္သိပါတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ သံသယေတြ ရွိေနၾကတယ္။ အထင္အျမင္လြဲမွားမႈေတြ ရွိေနၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြရဲ႕က႑ ေရာက္လာေတာ့တာပဲ ။ ရပ္ရြာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းအဆင့္က ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ႏုိင္ငံအဆင့္က ေခါင္းေဆာင္းေတြ တဦးနဲ႔တဦး လက္ကမ္းေထြးေပြ႕ရမယ္။ ေမတၱာနဲ႔ ျပဳမူေဆာင္ရြက္ရမယ္။ ဥာဏ္အေျမာ္အျမင္နဲ႔ ျပဳမူေဆာင္ရြက္ရမယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွနဲ႔ အာရွတခြင္မွာ လင္းလက္တဲ့ ဥပမာတခု ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တဲ့အထိ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအပါအဝင္ အားလုံးကုိ ေထြးေပြ႕တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြျဖစ္ရမယ္။

ဒီကေန႔ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့အေထြေထြေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအႀကိဳကာလအထိ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအတြက္ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ တုိက္ပြဲဝင္ႀကဳိးပမ္းခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္က လူအေပါင္းကုိ က်ေနာ္က ထပ္မံ ခ်ီးက်ဴးဂုဏ္ျပဳလုိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အားလုံးပါဝင္ႏုိင္ၾကမယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ၊ မြတ္ဆလင္လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ နဲ႔ အားလုံး လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္မွာ အစစ္အေဆးမရွိ၊ အၿခိမ္းအေျခာက္မရွိဘဲ ပါဝင္ႏုိင္ၾကဖုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ေတြ ထြက္လာတဲ့အခါ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္အသစ္ ျဖစ္လာလိမ့္မယ္။ သင္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ လွပတဲ့တုိင္းျပည္မွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ခုိင္မာဖုိ႔အတြက္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေျခလွမ္းတလွမ္း ျဖစ္လာလိမ့္မယ္။

ဒီကြန္ဖရင့္စ္မွာ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔အားလုံး ေအာင္ျမင္ၾကပါေစလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ဆႏၵျပဳပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ျပဳၿမဲအတုိင္း ဘုရားသခင္ဆီမွာနဲ႔ ဂ႐ုဏာေတာ္ရွင္ထံမွာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြကုိ ဥာဏ္ပညာ၊ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္မႈ နဲ႔ ၾကြယ္ဝမႈေတြ ဆက္လက္ ေကာင္းခ်ီးေပးေတာ္မူပါလုိ႔ ဆုေတာင္းပါတယ္။

The Speech of Dr. Jose Ramos-Horta at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Hello. This is Jose Ramos-Horta speaking from New York. I regret not being able to be in Oslo at this time of this very timely, extremely important gathering as Myanmar moves towards elections and hopefully consolidation of democracy, freedoms, rule of law.

I'm very familiar with Myanmar, although I could not claim to be an expert. For those of you who might not know much about my past activities or background, I first went to Burma then when hardly anyone paid much attention to Myanmar in July of 1994. I went there crossing the border from Chiang Mai and I went to Manipur. There with some colleagues I conducted an international human rights and diplomacy training program for students, activists, many of whom I know today are back in their home country in Yangon, very much engaged in this process in Myanmar.

If today we can talk about one of the most neglected people in the world, one of the most forgotten, I would say it would be the Rohingya of Myanmar. We are all human beings in this planet. Myanmar is a mosaic of ethnic groups. It is a mosaic of cultures, of values, of different experiences. A crossroad from Asia, with many influences. 

The Rohingya seem to have the least of rights, the least of privileges as citizens of Myanmar, as human beings. There have been extraordinary abuses, humiliation, killings, expulsion of Rohingyas from their ancestral land. Whether they have been there for thousands of years or a few hundred years or if they were there only some generations ago, they still have rights as people of Myanmar because they were born there in Myanmar. They have been living there for generations regardless of how long; thousands of centuries they have been there. 

I do not wish to lecture any group in Myanmar. I do not wish to lecture authorities in Myanmar. I know the process of transition from dictatorship to democracy is a complex, tortuous, unpredictable long one. We must all contribute to create a climate of dialogue, mutual acceptance, and maybe move towards a road map leading to a Myanmar that is politically open, pluralistic, and that is embracing of all its ethnic and religious communities.

However, I know that this is easier said than done because there are suspicions, there are prejudices. That's what leaders are all about. Leaders at the community level, leaders at the national level who must embrace each other; who must act with compassion, with wisdom; who embrace everyone including the Rohingyas so that Myanmar can be a shining example in Southeast Asia and in Asia in general.

Again, I wish to pay tribute to all those in Myanmar who for generations have struggled for freedom, for democracy, until today when you are on the eve of free general elections. I'm hopeful that all will be able to participate; the Rohingyas, the Muslim communities and everyone, in an atmosphere of freedom, of no question, of no threats. When the election results come it will be a new promising beginning for Myanmar, a further step in the consolidation of democracy in your beautiful country.

I wish you all success in this conference and as always I pray to God Almighty and the Merciful to continue to bless the great people of Myanmar with wisdom, happiness, and prosperity.

Oslo Conference on Rohingyas ၌ George Soros ေျပာၾကားသည့္ ဗီဒီယုိ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ေမ ၂၆၊ ၂၀၁၅
ေအာစလုိ၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း

အားလုံးပဲ မဂၤလာပါ။ ဒီကြန္ဖရင့္မွာ လူကုိယ္တုိင္ မလာေရာက္ ႏုိင္တာကုိ ဝမ္းနည္း ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၉၃ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက က်ေနာ္ဟာ ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကုိ ေထာက္ခံ ကူညီသူ တေယာက္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ကာလေတြ တုန္းက အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ေျခဟာ အလွမ္း ကြာေဝးလြန္းလွသလုိ ထင္ရၿပီး က်ေနာ္လည္း တုိးတုိးၿပီး စိတ္အားေလ်ာ့ လာမိခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၂၀၁၀ လည္းက်ေရာ ႐ုတ္တရက္ႀကီး ဆုိသလုိ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ထင္ရတာ သက္သက္ပဲ ျဖစ္ခ်င္လည္း ျဖစ္မယ္၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူ စစ္အစုိးရဟာ အလုံးစုံအာဏာရွင္ဆန္ဆန္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျခင္းကုိ စြန္႕လႊတ္ဖုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္တယ္။ တကမၻာလုံး မင္သက္မိသြားတယ္။ အေမွာင္က်ခဲ့တဲ့ ေန႔ရက္မ်ားအတြင္း ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ကၽြႏု္ပ္ထိေတြ႕ဆက္ဆံခဲ့မႈကေန အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ သင္ခန္းစာတခု က်ေနာ္ရခဲ့တယ္။ ရံဖန္ရံခါ ႐ႈံးနိမ့္ေနတဲ့ အေရးတခုကုိ မီးေတာက္ဆက္လက္ ရွင္သန္ေနေရးအတြက္ အခ်ိန္အၾကာႀကီး အားေပးေထာက္ကူဖုိ႔ လုိအပ္တယ္။ ဒီနည္းနဲ႔ အေျခအေနေတြ ေျပာင္းလဲတဲ့အခါ ေရွ႕ကုိတုိးတက္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ အေျခခံအုတ္ျမစ္ေတြဟာ ခ်ၿပီးသား ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ဒီကေန႔ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ကုိ က်ေနာ္ အခုလုိ စကားေျပာေနရင္းကုိ က်ေနာ္ဟာ စိတ္အားေလ်ာ့ေနျပန္တာကုိ က်ေနာ္ကုိယ္က်ေနာ္ ေတြ႕ရျပန္တယ္။ စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကေန ပုိၿပီး ပြင့္လင္းလြတ္လပ္တဲ့ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကုိ ေျပာင္းရတာဟာ မလြယ္ကူဘူး။ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ သူရဲ႕ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္မႈမွာ ေနရာေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားေတာ့ အစစ္အမွန္ တုိးတက္ေအာင္လုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေတြ တာရွည္မရွင္သန္မွာ က်ေနာ္ စုိးရိမ္မိတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ ဒီျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေတြဟာ ေနသားတက် မရွိေသးလုိ႔ပဲ။

ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ႕ ပစ္ပယ္ထားျခင္းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ သဘာဝသယံဇာတရင္းျမစ္ေတြကေန ရလာတဲ့ဝင္ေငြမွန္သမွ် လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ ျခယ္လွယ္ေနၾကတဲ့

အခြင့္ထူးခံ လူနည္းစုရဲ႕ လက္ထဲမွာပဲ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးအာဏာေတြ အကုန္လုံးနီးပါး စုၿပဳံက်ေရာက္ေနဆဲ ဆုိတာလည္း အမွန္တရားပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာျပည္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကုိ လတ္တေလာ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနတာကေတာ့ ျမင့္တက္လာေနတဲ့ မြတ္ဆလင္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး စိတ္ေတြရယ္၊ အစုိးရကုိယ္တုိင္က မ်က္စိမွိတ္ေပးထားတဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအေပၚ အၾကမ္းဖက္ျခင္းရယ္ ပါပဲ။ ဒါဟာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္က လက္ရွိအုပ္စုိးသူမ်ားရဲ႕ မ်က္စိေအာက္မွာတင္ ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတာပါ။ တုိးတက္ေသာအျမင္ရွိတဲ့ ဗမာအစုိးရပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာ အရာရွိအခ်ဳိ႕နဲ႔ သီးသန္႔ေတြ႕ဆုံစကားေျပာၾကည့္ရာက က်ေနာ္သိလာရတာကေတာ့ အာဏာလက္ကုိင္ရွိသူထဲက တခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ ႏုိင္ငံသားတုိင္းကုိ တန္းတူညီမွ် ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကုိ အလုိရွိသူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီအရာရွိေတြဟာ ေသးငယ္ေသာ္လည္း အားေကာင္းလွတဲ့ ဘာသာေရးအစြန္းေရာက္အုပ္စုဆီက အစြန္းေရာက္အၾကမ္းဖက္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ေျခကုိ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနၾကတာလည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီ အစြန္းေရာက္သမားေတြဟာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးျဖစ္စဥ္ႀကီးတခုလုံးကုိ ေဖာက္ခြဲဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ေပါက္ကြဲႏုိင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနကုိ ဖန္တီးထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအစြန္းေရာက္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပံ့သူမ်ားကုိ အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ မျဖစ္မေန ရင္ဆုိင္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာတုန္းကလုိပဲ ဇႏၷဝါရီလက ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ စတုတၳအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ က်ေနာ္သြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့စဥ္အတြင္း ေျမျပင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကုိ ကုိယ္တုိင္တပ္အပ္ ျမင္ေတြ႕ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ စစ္ေတြကုိ ခဏသြားလည္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျပည္နယ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ေဒသခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ နဲ႔သာမက ရခုိင္လူထုနဲ႔ေရာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးေတြနဲ႔ပါ ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ေရာ၊ ဂက္တုိ(ghetto)လုိ႔သာ ေခၚေဝၚဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတဲ့ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္အမည္ရ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာအမ်ားစု ေနထုိင္ၾကရတဲ့ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခုမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကသူေတြနဲ႔ပါ စကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္မွာ က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ ကေလးဘဝက ပဲ့တင္သံေတြကုိ ျပန္ၾကားရပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ သိၾကတဲ့အတုိင္း ၁၉၄၄ ခုႏွစ္တုန္းက ဘူဒါပက္စ္ ၿမဳိ႕က ဂ်ဴးတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္ဟာလည္း ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာတေယာက္လုိပါပဲ။ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း အေရွ႕ဥေရာပတခြင္မွာ နာဇီေတြ တည္ေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ ဂ်ဴးရပ္ကြက္ေတြလုိပဲ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္ဟာလည္း မိသားစုေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာရဲ႕ မေနခ်င္ဘဲ ေနရတဲ့ အိမ္ရာ ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။ ဒီမိသားစုေတြဟာ တခါက က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ၊ ပညာေရး ႏွင့္ အလုပ္အကုိင္အခြင့္အလမ္း ေတြကုိ ရရွိခဲ့ဖူးသူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔တေတြဟာ တြင္းဆုံးက်ေအာင္ ခ်ဳိ႕ခ်ဳိ႕ငဲ့ငဲ့အေျခအေနနဲ႔ ခြဲျခားကန္႔သတ္ခံရတဲ့ဘဝမွာ ဆက္လက္က်ေရာက္ေနေအာင္ ဖိအားေပးတြန္းပုိ႔ျခင္းကုိ ခံေနရပါတယ္။ နာဇီေတြရဲ႕ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈနဲ႔ တုႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ဖြယ္ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာ အလန္႔တၾကားျဖစ္ေလာက္ပါတယ္။ ကံေကာင္းေထာက္မစြာ အစုလုိက္အၿပဳံလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္းအဆင့္အထိေတာ့ မေရာက္ေသးပါဘူး။

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ဟာ တဦးခ်င္းျဖစ္ေစ၊ စုေပါင္းၿပီးျဖစ္ေစ သိပ္အခ်ိန္မေႏွာင္းခင္မွာ ကူေျပာဖုိ႔လုိၿပီ လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ အခုိင္အမာ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ လုံၿခဳံမႈအကာအကြယ္အတြက္ ဂက္တုိထဲမွာ ထည့္ထားရတာပါဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ အစဥ္တစုိက္ေျပာၾကားေနမႈဟာ ယုံၾကည္လက္ခံႏုိင္စရာ မရွိပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ ယုံၾကည္လက္ခံလာေစဖုိ႔ အစုိးရအာဏာပုိင္ေတြက ႀကဳိးစားခဲ့ၾကပါေသးတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က အေျခအေနေတြ တည္ၿငိမ္သြားၿပီ။ ရခုိင္ျပည္ရဲ႕ ရွည္လ်ား႐ႈတ္ေထြးလွတဲ့သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ ေဒသဓေလ့ထုံးစံေတြကုိ နားမလည္သူမ်ားလုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ စြတ္စြဲတဲ့ အျပင္လူမ်ားေျပာသေလာက္ အေျခအေနေတြဟာ မဆုိးလွပါဘူးလုိ႔ ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ရာစုႏွစ္တဝက္ေလာက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံဘဝမွာ တသီးတျခား ေနလာခဲ့ရတဲ့အခါ လူသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုတခုအေနနဲ႔ နည္းလမ္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ ၾကားက ခေလာက္ဆန္တာေတြ၊ အျမတ္ထုတ္ျခင္းေတြကုိ အလြယ္တကူ ခံရႏုိင္တယ္ဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္သေဘာေပါက္နားလည္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက လူအားလုံးနီးပါးဟာ မွ်တတဲ့ စိတ္ထားရွိၾကၿပီး သူတုိ႔တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ အားလုံးလြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေနထုိင္ႏုိင္ၾကတဲ့ ေနရာတခုအျဖစ္ လုိခ်င္ၾကတယ္လုိ႔လည္း က်ေနာ္ သိထားပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္အတြက္ အေရးပါတဲ့ ႏွစ္တခုပါ။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢအထူးသံတမန္ ယန္ဟီးလီ ရဲ႕ စကားနဲ႔ ေျပာရရင္ အလွည့္အေျပာင္းမွတ္ကုိ ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံကုိ ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ညီတဲ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြလုပ္ႏုိင္မယ့္ အလားအလာနဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး မွ်တတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြ က်င္းပမယ့္ အလားအလာေတြေၾကာင့္ အဓိပၸါယ္ရွိတဲ့ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ႏုိင္ေကာင္းပါလိမ့္မယ္။

ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ႕ ကာလရွည္ၾကာ မိတ္ေဆြတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ ေထာက္ခံအားေပးသူတေယာက္အေနပါ တုိင္းျပည္တြင္းက လူအားလုံးအတြက္ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ရလဒ္တခုကို က်ေနာ္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ့္မွာ တခါက အေကာင္းျမင္စိတ္မ်ားခဲ့ရသေလာက္ အခုေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္မွာ အနာဂတ္အတြက္ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ျပည့္ေနရပါၿပီ။ အာဏာလက္ကုိင္ရွိေနသူမ်ားအေနနဲ႔ အစြန္းေရာက္မႈကုိ တန္ျပန္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔နဲ႔ ပြင့္လင္းတဲ့ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကုိ အျမစ္တြယ္ေစဖုိ႔ လုိအပ္တဲ့ ေျခလွမ္းေတြကုိ ခ်က္ခ်င္းဆုိသလုိ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြ မတုိင္မီမွာ လူမႈကြန္ယက္မ်ားေပၚက ျမင့္တက္ေနတဲ့ အမုန္းတရားမ်ား၊ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆန္႔က်င္ေရး လႈံ႕ေဆာ္မႈမ်ားနဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးေရးခြဲျခားဖိႏွိပ္တဲ့ ၉၆၉ လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကုိ တန္ျပန္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ တရားဝင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္ေတြကုိ ျပဳလုပ္ဖုိ႔ အခရာက်လွပါတယ္။ ဗမာျပည္ဟာ စည္ပင္ဝေျပာၿပီး အုတ္အုတ္က်က္က်က္ ပြင့္လင္းလြတ္လပ္တဲ့ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ အနာဂတ္ကုိ လက္လွမ္းမီႏုိင္ပါေသးတယ္။ ဒီအနာဂတ္ကုိ လွမ္းကုိင္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဗမာျပည္က ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားနဲ႔ လူထု အေပၚမွာပဲ မူတည္ပါတယ္။

The Speech of George Soros at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Greetings, everybody. I regret I can't be there in person. I have been a supporter of Burma's democracy movement since 1993. For most of that time, the prospect of change seemed remote, and I felt increasingly discouraged. Then, in 2010, quite suddenly, or so it seemed, the ruling military junta decided to abandon absolute authoritarian rule. The world was stunned. My engagement in Burma during those dark days taught me an important lesson. Sometimes it's necessary to support a lost cause for a long time just to keep the flame alive. That way, when the situation changes, groundwork for progress has already been laid. As I speak to you today, I find myself again growing discouraged. Making the transition from military rule to a more open society is not easy, and in many ways the government of Burma has made real progress in its reform efforts. I fear that many of these reforms are not sustainable, because they have not yet been institutionalized. 

It's also true that political and economic power remains mostly concentrated in the hands of a privileged few who monopolize the revenue from Burma's abandoned natural resources. The most immediate threat to Burma's transition is the rising anti-Muslim sentiment and officially condoned abuse of the Rohingya people. That has occurred under watch of the current rulers in Naypyidaw. From private conversations with progressive Burmese officials, I know that some in power genuinely want to see a Burma where all are treated equally, but these officials also fear the potential of extremist violence from the small but powerful group of religious radicals. These extremists have created a tinder box that could blow up the entire reform process. The government must confront these extremists and their financial supporters. 

In January when I visited Burma for the 4th time in as many years, I made a short visit to Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State in order to see for myself the situation on the ground. I met with state and local readers and both Rakhine and Rohingya populations, and also talked to internally displaced persons and those mostly Rohingya living in a section of Sittwe called Aung Mingalar, a part of the city that can only be called a ghetto. In Aung Mingalar, I heard the echoes of my childhood. You see, in 1944, as a Jew in Budapest, I too was a Rohingya. Much like the Jewish ghettos set up by Nazis around Eastern Europe during World War II, Aung Mingalar has become the involuntary home to thousands of families who once had access to healthcare, education, and employment. Now, they are forced to remain segregated in a state of abject deprivation. The parallels to the Nazi genocide are alarming. Fortunately, we have not reached a stage of mass killing. 

I feel very strongly that we must speak out before it is too late, individually and collectively. The Burmese government's insistence that they are keeping the Rohingya in the ghetto for their own protection simply is not credible. Government authorities have tried to reassure me. They say things are under control and not as bad as reported by outsiders who they claim don't understand the local culture or the long and complicated history of Rakhine State. I understand that half a century of living in isolation under repression can make a population vulnerable to intermediation and exploitation in all sorts of ways, but I also know that most of the people of Burma are fair-minded and would like their country to be a place where all can live in freedom. 2015 is a crucial year for Burma; a tipping point, in the words of Yanghee Lee, U.S. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. With the prospect of democratic changes to the 2008 constitution and the holding of free and fair elections, meaningful reform could take hold. 

As a longtime friend and supporter of Burma, I hope for a positive outcome for all the people of the country, but where I once felt a great sense of optimism, I am now filled with trepidation for the future. I hope those in power will immediately take the steps necessary to counter extremism and allow open society to take root. In the lead up to the elections, it's crucial that official acts should be taken to counter the pervasive hate and anti- Rohingya propaganda on social media and the racist public campaigns of the 969 movement. The promise of Burma as a flourishing and vibrant open society is still within reach. It's up to Burma's leaders and people whether this promise is fulfilled.

Daw Khin Hla: “No Country for Rohingyas: A Refugee’s Appeal to End Myanmar’s Slow Genocide”

Photo: Christopher Olssøn Copyright:2015 © littleimagebank

Ladies, Gentlemen, Reverends and Sayadaw,

Thank you very much for giving me an opportunity to make an urgent appeal on behalf of fellow Rohingya peoples back home in Burma, and in diaspora. 

I’m Daw Khin Hla, a Rohingya woman born in Arakan State of Burma in 1953. Until I left from Burma, I worked as government middle school teacher. I was born in Burma, a native of Arakan soil – just like my ancestors who lived from cradle to grave – as the indigenous people of our land – now sandwiched between present-day Burma and present-day Bangladesh.

Today I would like to appeal to you to help restore our nationality, full citizenship and basic rights as humans in the country of our fore-fathers and –mothers in Burma. 

First, how were we in the past? How are we today? And how did we get here – as a people with a distinct identity who are being punished if we say we are ‘Rohingyas’. Do people not have the right to identify as so-and-so ethnic community? 

Following our country’s independence from Britain in 1948, we the Rohingyas did not need to apply for citizenship. We WERE considered officially as full citizens of the newly independent Burma. We were officially recognized as a distinct ethnic group living along cross-national borders and indigenous to our own ancestral land, just like any other indigenous ethnic groups you find along Burma’s long and porous borders with India, China, Thailand, and Laos.

When the first post-independence government of Prime Minister U Nu took office in 1948, my grandfather, a self-identified Rohingya, applied for the Union of Burma citizenship as he thought he needed to as power now rested with the new government. The relevant line-ministry replied in writing that he didn’t need to apply as he belonged to an indigenous ethnic group of the multi-ethnic Union of Burma.

When I was a young, student we Rohingya children had full access to schooling; we enjoyed full freedom of movement; we could move from one neighborhood to another, from one village to another, from one town to another and from one state to another within Burma. There was not even the idea – let along a national policy - of severely restricting our marriages, childbirth or family size. 

But all this had changed when General Ne Win, well-known for his violent streak as a person and xenophobia – towards Christians, Muslims, Europeans, Indians, Chinese and so on. He considered anyone who looked different, believed in a different god, or talked different as completely ‘untrustworthy’. Indeed anyone deemed ‘un-trust-worthy’ is perceived as a threat to nationality. 

So, in a little over a decade since he became military dictator, the military government of General Ne Win launched many violent operations against us the Rohingyas. The first large-scale campaign to drive us out of our own ancestral land began in February 1978. Under the disguise of immigration check – widely known as Na Ga Min or King Dragon operation - what was essentially a counter-insurgency campaign aimed at anyone who was not Buddhist and Burmese from strategic border regions. - was launched. Because we the Rohingyas have had a single demarcated geographic pocket – as opposed to being spread out and scattered across we were singled out for persecution since. 

One of the measures General Ne Win’s government, with a push for anti-Rohingya Rakhine nationalists, was the passage of 1982 Citizenship Act. The Citizenship Act stripped us of our nationality status and erased our ethnic identity. 

After the racially motivated law came into effect in the fall of 1982, hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas who had held national registration IDs were issued Temporary registration cards or “White Cards” so-called. A few months ago, the Burmese government de-recognized the White Cards and confiscated them, rendering the Rohingya people absolutely without any semblance or proof of their legal standing as Burmese citizens and lawful residents in our own country. Today, nearly 1 million of my fellow Rohingyas people, have absolutely no legal existence as a people. Thousands of my own fellow Rohingyas live in ghetto-like conditions where armed guards stand, ready to shoot and abuse. And yet the government of Thein Sein tell the people the Rohingyas are kept in these neighborhoods and camps ‘for their own protection’. Over the last nearly 40 years the level of restrictions, repression, abuse and deprivation has progressively increased. When foreign NGOs and researchers describe Rohingya neighborhoods as ‘vast open prisons’ – or refer to them as ‘21st century concentration camps’, they are not exaggerating. 

Burmese central government has imposed measures to regulate, control and restrict every single aspect of life for the Rohingyas as a human community: freedom of movement, choice of marriage, access to schooling and health clinics, place of worship, opportunities to grow food or hold employments, and even the right to identify ourselves as Rohingya ethnic people. Everything we do has to be approved in writing by the authorities. The approval is obtained only by bribing local authorities. Indeed the Burmese regime and its officials have learned to turn our oppression into a profitable business. We have been subject to chronic waves of violence, both by the anti-Rohingya Rakhine nationalists and by the state security troops such as police, border guard force and regular army and navy. Our people live in constant and profound fear of not knowing where the next meal would come from, when the next wave of mass violence awaits or whether who will die or who will live on our own ancestral soil.

The Rohingyas are fleeing out of fear of death and destruction at the hands of the local Rakhine nationalists and central government’s troops. They are fleeing conditions of life on the land of their birth that they know are meant or design to destroy their lives, their communities, their children. They are fleeing extreme, systematic and decades-long repression and policies designed to erase our identity, our physical and legal existence – in our own ancestral land. 

Some of you will recall that like the African dictator Ide Amin of Uganda, General Ne Win’s military drove hundreds of thousands of Chinese and Indians out of Burma in his 26-years in power. This is the same Ne Win regime that has instituted a long-term policy to destroy our Rohingya community on our own ancestral land. The present government of ex-General Thein Sein is simply continuing the Burmese military’s policy of Rohingya destruction. In fact, President Thein Sein and his government deny persistently that we the Rohingyas are a part of Burma, in the face of irrefutable and official evidence of our ethnic identity. He reportedly and officially proposed to the UN to expel and resettle more than 1 million of our Rohingya people in 3 countries, or build a UN-financed apartheid in our own land. I was very much saddened to hear that this ex-General Thein Sein was nominated – and even short-listed – for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2013. I thank the Norwegian Nobel Committee for wisely choosing not confer him the supreme honor and recognition which he definitely didn’t and doesn’t deserve. 

In the last 3 years, UN has estimated that 150,000 Rohingyas – including mothers with new born babies - have fled the country under President Thein Sein’s watch. Since 1978, Burmese military governments have terrorized our community so much so that today almost half the total population of Rohingyas have been forced to settle across the world, including here in Norway. It is the other half – over 1 million – who are being subject to central policy of destruction. 

No one wants to leave home, especially the homes and the land where they were both; but when the Rohingyas do taking their infants and elderly relatives, they are fleeing for their lives. 

On behalf of my fellow Rohingyas who are stranded in dangerous high seas with no food or water, dying slowing in vast ghettos with no adequate food or medicine, I appeal to you today to stand with us in our darkest hours of needs. Norway is considered around the world a special country, small but influential promoter of peace and reconciliation around the world. I would like to direct my appeal to the Norwegian people and the government that as you engage with my country of birth, diplomatically, commercially and politically, please put the sufferings of our people on your policy priorities. I know that Norway considers Myanmar or Burma as one of the ‘focus’ countries important to Norway and Norway is involved in supporting “peace process” in Burma. I appeal to the Norwegian public and leaders that we too deserve a life in peace, a life where we are allowed to call ourselves by the name we choose, a life where our new born are not denied nutrition or legality. Lastly, I appeal to the world’s fellow humans to lend us a hand of compassion so that our people no longer suffer from cradle to grave. 

I thank you from the bottom of my heart. 

May God Bless you all.