Speaking on Myanmar Genocide of Rohingyas, The Oxford Union Genocide Panel, 29 Jan 2018

Saying "Sorry!" to a Rohingya brother who survived Myanmar Genocide, Kutupalong Camp, Bangladesh, 7 Nov 2017.

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Meeting with The Minister of Foreign Affairs Rt. Honourable Abul Hassan Mahmood Ali, M.P., State Guest House, Dhaka, 4 Nov 2017

"National Traitor and Enemy of the State" for his opposition to Rohingya Genocide. Sun Rays, 16/9/17

UN's Ban Ki-Moon sees "troubling signs" of (anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya) mobilization in Myanmar in the scheduled election process

UN's Ban Ki-Moon sees "troubling signs" of (anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya) mobilization in Myanmar in the scheduled election process

"There are already troubling signs of ethnic and religious differences being exploited in the run-up to the elections. The reform process could be jeopardized if the underlying causes of these tensions are left un-addressed."


Secretary-General's remarks at the Meeting of the Partnership Group on Myanmar 

New York, 24 April 2015 

Thank you for your participation in this Partnership Group meeting on Myanmar. I especially welcome Honorable Union Minister U Soe Thane and his distinguished delegation from Myanmar. 

We meet once again against the backdrop of both opportunities and challenges as Myanmar continues on its path of historic transition. The reform process initiated by the Government of President U Thein Sein continues to progress steadily. The country has taken visible strides in many areas of socio-economic development, national reconciliation and democratization. The results of the first census conducted in thirty years – not without controversy – will be available soon. They will have to be treated carefully and sensitively. 

The general elections due to be held by year’s end will be an important milestone and conducting it in a credible, transparent and inclusive manner will require long-term engagement by all stakeholders. The Government must create a proper environment by ensuring free assembly, free expression, an open atmosphere for the media as well as by non-discrimination and the protection of civil and political rights for all. 

President Thein Sein’s efforts to engage in political dialogue with other leaders on key issues -- including constitutional reform -- have been encouraging. The convening of the six-party talks on April 10 could set the stage for future discussions to iron out key differences. Parliament will also need to move forward with greater purpose to resolve the constitutional and other key issues. 

The Government has shown exemplary resolve in striving to achieve peace and stability in the country. After sixteen months of intermittent negotiations, on 31 March, the Government and the ethnic armed groups reached agreement on the text of a nationwide ceasefire accord, which can bring to an end more than sixty years of ethnic conflict. 

However, much more hard work lies ahead. It will be important that the ceasefire agreement is signed and sealed without delay. 

I recognize the important role played by China’s Special Envoy, Ambassador Wang Yingfan, whose presence during the final stages of the process greatly contributed to its successful outcome.

I also wish to thank my Special Advisor, Mr. Nambiar, who was also an Observer to the process. The quiet support that he and his team provided helped build confidence in the process. 

Undoubtedly, this agreement is only a first step towards a broader national dialogue on important pending issues including the role of military and constitutional reform. We are fully cognizant that the process should continue to remain nationally-led. The United Nations will continue to lend its support within the comfort level of all sides. 

Meanwhile, ongoing clashes in Kachin and Northern Shan States have caused immense suffering to civilians. The clashes in Kokang are also deeply disturbing in terms of the toll of lives and destruction as well as their implications for the longer term stability of the region. Humanitarian actors will need unimpeded access to provide much needed aid in a timely fashion. The tensions arising from these clashes must not jeopardize the larger peace process. 

The communal situation in Rakhine and elsewhere remains fragile. The continued animosity between the communities and possible eruption of violence could be seriously destabilizing. There are already troubling signs of ethnic and religious differences being exploited in the run-up to the elections. The reform process could be jeopardized if the underlying causes of these tensions are left unaddressed. 

Meanwhile, the conditions of the vulnerable populations especially in the IDP camps, remain a matter of profound concern for the international community. Many have also risked their lives to flee the country by sea and others have become prey to trafficking rings. This situation is untenable. 

The international community is still deeply concerned about the situation in Rakhine. The Government has taken some steps to stabilize the situation and to curb any fresh outbreak of violence. But long-term stability in Rakhine will remain unattainable without comprehensively addressing the issue of status and citizenship of the Muslim populations -- particularly the plight of those who self-identify and are known by many as “Rohingyas” but whom the government calls “Bengalis”. Without these steps, the Government will also find itself continually exposed to international criticism. 

I have been in close contact with President Thein Sein, whom I met in Nay Pyi Taw on 13 November during the UN-ASEAN Summit under Myanmar’s Chairmanship. I also spoke with him recently to express my concern that continuing controversies on the race and religious bills as well as absence of swift action to regularize the status of White Card holders will be seen as institutionalized discrimination. With general elections looming, the Government must take urgent and practical measures to address these issues and their underlying causes. 

As I have stressed earlier, Myanmar’s top leaders must send a unified message against incitement of hatred and to promote harmony and social cohesion. 

As I stressed during this week’s General Assembly meeting on Tolerance and Reconciliation, religious leaders also have an important role to play to promote understanding and mutual respect. 

The United Nations remains committed to supporting the Government to address the needs of all vulnerable populations. The establishment of an OHCHR office with a full mandate will help strengthen Myanmar’s commitment to the protection and promotion of human rights. 

Myanmar continues to strive toward creating a better place for its people. The transition may not deliver immediate results or satisfy all sectors of the population or civil society. Such a drastic and fast-paced reform process may have generated unreasonably high expectations; but the changes are painstakingly taking root and fundamentally transforming the identity of the state and nation. 

Myanmar’s progress is also important for the region. 2015 is the year that ASEAN aims to become one community of Member States that share a vision and goal to become a zone of peace and stability. 

I wish to thank you again for your commitment and support, particularly to my Good Offices in its continued efforts to play a constructive role in Myanmar. 

Thank you.

ေမလတြင္ က်င္းပမည့္ ေအာ္စလုိ ကြန္ဖရင့္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာခ်က္


႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ျမန္မာ၏ ႏွိပ္ကြပ္မႈ အဆုံးသတ္ေရးအတြက္ ေအာ္စလုိကြန္ဖရင့္

က်င္းပမည့္ေနရာ: The Nobel Institute & Voksenaasen
Oslo, Norway

ရက္စြဲ: ၂၆-၂၈ ေမလ ၂၀၁၅

အျပည္ျပည္ ဆုိင္ရာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အဖြဲ႕(RI)၊ အားလုံး အတြက္ တရားမွ်တမႈ (USA)၊ ေအာက္စဖုိ႔ဒ္ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတမႈႏွင့္ လူသား ဖြံ႔ၿဖဳိး တုိးတက္မႈ စီမံကိန္း အဖြဲ႕(OPHI)၊ ဟားဗတ္ ကမၻာလုံး ဆုိင္ရာ တန္းတူညီမွ်မႈ စီမံကိန္းအဖြဲ႕(HGEI)၊ ကြင္းေမရီ လန္ဒန္ တကၠသုိလ္ အျပည္ျပည္ ဆုိင္ရာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္မွ က်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ စီမံကိန္း အဖြဲ႕ ႏွင့္ ေနာ္ေဝ - ျမန္မာ ေကာ္မတီ တုိ႔သည္ အေရအတြက္ တသန္းေက်ာ္ ရွိေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္မွ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ား၏ ေဘးဒုကၡကုိ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ႏွင့္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ မ်ားစြာ ၾကာျမင့္ခဲ့ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေသာ ၄င္းတုိ႔အေပၚ ဖိႏွိပ္ ညွင္းပန္းမႈ မ်ားကုိ အဆုံးသတ္ရန္ အတြက္ သုံးရက္ၾကာ အျပည္ျပည္ ဆုိင္ရာ ကြန္ဖရင့္တခုကုိ က်င္းပ သြားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

နာဇီ သိမ္းပုိက္ ထားေသာ ဟန္ေဂရီႏုိင္ငံမွ ထြက္ေျပးလြတ္ေျမာက္ခဲ့ေသာ ေဂ်ာ့ဂ်္ဆုိး႐ုိ႕စ္ (George Soros)သည္ ၁၉၄၄ ခုႏွစ္က နာဇီလက္ေအာက္က်ေရာက္ခဲ့ေသာ သူ႕ဘဝ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံမ်ားႏွင့္ မၾကာမီကမွ သူသြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့ၿပီး မ်က္ျမင္ကုိယ္ေတြ႕ ႀကဳံခဲ့ရေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္အေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ အေျခအေနမ်ား အၾကား တူညီမႈမ်ား ရွိသည္ဟု ျမင္သည္။

ကြန္ဖရင့္တြင္ ဆုိး႐ုိ႕စ္၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏုိဘဲလ္ဆုရွင္မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာ မုိင္ရိဒ္ မက္ဂြဲ(Mairead Maguire)၊ ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူး (Desmond Tutu)၊ ဟုိေဆး ႐ုိ႕စ္ယိုတာ (Jose Ramos-Horta)၊ မေလးရွားဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း မဟာသီယာမုိဟာမက္ (Mahathir Mohammad)၊ ေနာ္ေဝဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ခဲလ္ မက္ငဲ ဘြန္ဒီဗစ္ (Kjell Magne Bondevik) တုိ႔သည္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ဳိးဆက္ႏွစ္ခုမွ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား၊ တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ား၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး သုေတသီမ်ား ႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈႏွင့္ အစုလုိက္အၿပဳံလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈမ်ားဆုိင္ရာ ပညာရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္တြဲပူးေပါင္းၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ သူတုိ႔သည္ ျမန္မာ၏ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ခြဲျခားႏွိပ္ကြပ္ေသာ မူဝါဒမ်ားကုိ အဆုံးသတ္ေရးအတြက္ တြန္းအားေပးၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး အေျခအေနမ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ အထူး ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေဟာင္း ေတာမတ္စ္ ေအာ္ဂ်ီယာ ကြင္တားနား (Tomas Ojea Quinta ) ႏွင့္ လက္ရွိ ကုလသမဂၢ အထူး ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ယန္ဟီးလီ (Yanghee Lee) တုိ႔သည္လည္း ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံ မ်ားကုိ တက္ေရာက္လာသူ မ်ားႏွင့္ တကြ အျခား ပါဝင္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ပါ ႏွီးေနွာ ဖလွယ္မည္ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။

ေအာ္စလုိ ကြန္ဖရင့္ ပထမရက္ကုိ အမ်ားျပည္သူ တက္ေရာက္ နားေထာင္ႏုိင္ရန္ ဖြင့္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး အင္တာနက္မွ တဆင့္ တုိက္႐ုိက္ ထုတ္လႊင့္ သြားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ကြန္ဖရင့္ အစီအစဥ္ကုိ သိႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ ေအာက္ပါ လင့္ခ္ကုိ ကလစ္ႏွိပ္ပါ။


အမည္ စာရင္း ေပးသြင္းရန္ ရီဂ်စ္စတာလုပ္ရန္အတြက္ ေအာက္ပါ လိပ္စာသုိ႔ အီးေမးလ္ပုိ႔ပါ။

သင့္အမည္အျပည့္အစုံ၊ သင္ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း (ရွိခဲ့လွ်င္) ႏွင့္ သင္ေနထုိင္ေသာ တုိင္းျပည္ တုိ႔ကုိ ထည့္သြင္းရန္ မေမ့ပါႏွင့္။

သုံးရက္ၾကာ ကြန္ဖရင့္

၂၆ ေမ ၂၀၁၅ : ကြန္ဖရင့္ ပထမဆုံးေန႔ - အမ်ားျပည္သူတက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္ - ကုိ The Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen conference center တြင္ က်င္းပမည္။

၂၇ ေမ ၂၀၁၅ : ကြန္ဖရင့္ ဒုတိယေန႔ - ဖိတ္ၾကားခံရသူမ်ားသာ တက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္ - တြင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ အေျခခံလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ လူမ်ဳိး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ တုိ႔ကုိ ျပန္လည္ ေဆာင္ၾကဥ္းေပးႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ တြန္းအားေပး အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစႏုိင္မည့္ အႀကံဥာဏ္စိတ္ကူးစိတ္သန္းေကာင္းမ်ား ႏွင့္ အဆိုျပဳခ်က္မ်ား ရွာေဖြေလ့လာျခင္းကုိ အဓိက အေလးထား လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

၂၈ ေမ ၂၀၁၅ : ကြန္ဖရင့္ေနာက္ဆုံးေန႔ျဖစ္ေသာ တတိယေန႔တြင္ ကြန္ဖရင့္သည္ ဘာမားဖုိရမ္တခု (Burma Forum) ကုိ စင္ထရယ္ ေအာ္စလုိတြင္ က်င္းပသြားမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယင္း အမ်ားျပည္သူပါဝင္ေသာ စကားဝုိင္းတြင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားပါဝင္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕၊ အျခား ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးကၽြမ္းက်င္သူမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ ျမင့္တက္လာေသာ မြတ္ဆလင္မုန္းတီးဆန္႔က်င္ေရး လႈံေဆာ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္အတူ အျခား အလားတူပတ္သက္ဆက္ႏြယ္ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားကုိ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဘားမားဖုိရမ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အေသးစိတ္သိရွိလုိပါက ေနာ္ေဝ-ဗမာ ေကာ္မတီ ( info@burma.no ) သုိ႔ အီးေမးလ္း ပုိ႔ကာ ဆက္သြယ္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။

ေအာ္စလုိ ကြန္ဖရင့္ က်င္းပရျခင္း၏ ေနာက္ခံအေၾကာင္း

၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလုိင္လတြင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ ကုိယ္ပုိင္အမွတ္အသားႏွင့္ သူတုိ႔၏ ဘုိးဘြားပုိင္ေျမေပၚတြင္ တရားဝင္အေျခစုိက္ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ ႏွစ္ရပ္စလုံးကုိ ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္ရန္ “Rakhine Action Plan” ဟု သိၾကေသာ အေသးစိတ္ စီမံကိန္းတခုကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ထုတ္ေဖာ္လာသည္။ သမၼတ၏ အႀကံေပး ပညာရွင္ေဟာင္း ေဒါက္တာေက်ာ္ရင္လႈိင္၊ လူဝင္မႈႀကီးၾကပ္ေရးဝန္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ခင္ရီ ႏွင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ အၿငိမ္းစား ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေမာင္ေမာင္အုန္း တုိ႔ပါဝင္ေသာ သုံးဦးပါဝင္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕ကုိ ေစလႊတ္ကာ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံအစုိးရမ်ားႏွင့္ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအား ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာျပႆနာ ေျဖရွင္းေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ၏ တရားဝင္ စီမံကိန္းကို လက္ခံလာေစရန္ စည္း႐ုံးေစခဲ့သည္။

သိန္းစိန္၏ ျမန္မာအစုိးရသည္ လက္ေတြ႕တြင္လည္း ထုိ Rakhine Action Plan ကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ဤအခ်က္ကုိ ထင္ရွားေစသည္မွာ ယခုႏွစ္ မတ္လမွစၿပီး ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ တရားဝင္ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ တခုတည္းေသာ စာရြက္စာတမ္းအေထာက္အထားျဖစ္သည့္ ဝႈိက္ကဒ္ မ်ားကုိ ဖိအားေပး ျပန္လည္သိမ္းဆည္းျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာအမ်ားစုအား တရားမဝင္ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ေစရန္ ႏွင့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမဲေပးခြင့္မရွိေစရန္ ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းမ်ားမွ တဆင့္ သိသာထင္ရွားေစျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပင္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အသုိင္းအဝုိင္း၏ အာ႐ုံစုိက္မႈကုိ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔တ႐ုတ္လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္မ်ား၊ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ မဟာမိတ္အၾကား တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား၊ အလားတူ ယခုႏွစ္အတြင္း က်င္းပမည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအမီ စစ္တပ္၏ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒကုိ ျပဳျပင္ရန္ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ေလာေဆာ္မႈမ်ားထံသုိ႔ အာ႐ုံလႊဲထားသည္။

႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားတည္ရွိမႈအေပၚ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ၏ တရားဝင္ ျငင္းဆုိေသာ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ မူဝါဒႏွင့္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ႏွိပ္ကြပ္မႈ

၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္လအတြင္း ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ႀကီးႀကီးမားမား အၾကမ္းဖက္ခဲ့မႈႀကီးအၿပီး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ “ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး”အစုိးရသည္ လာေရာက္လည္ပတ္ေသာ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီး အန္တုိနီယုိ ဂူထရီစ္ကုိ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာျပႆနာေျဖရွင္းရန္ နည္းလမ္း ႏွစ္ခုကုိ အဆုိျပဳခဲ့သည္။ တနည္းမွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ တတိယႏုိင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ေပးေရး ျဖစ္ၿပီး (ထုိသုိ႔မဟုတ္က) ေနာက္တနည္းမွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အေနာက္ပုိင္းရွိ ၄င္းတုိ႔ အစဥ္အဆက္ေနထုိင္လာရာ ေျမေပၚတြင္ပင္ ကုလသမဂၢ ရန္ပုံေငြျဖင့္ ထူေထာင္ေသာ စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ထားရွိေရး ျဖစ္သည္။ ၂၀၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလုိင္ ၁၇ ရက္က ၿဗိတိန္ႏုိင္ငံ လန္ဒန္ရွိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာဆက္ဆံေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္း (Chatham House) တြင္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ၿပီး က်ယ္ျပန္႔စြာ သတင္းထဲတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခံခဲ့ရေသာ မိန္႔ခြန္းထဲတြင္ ျမန္မာသမၼတ သိန္းစိန္သည္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ တရားဝင္အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ျခင္းကုိလည္းေကာင္း၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုတခုျဖစ္ျခင္းကုိလည္းေကာင္း ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ားမ်ား၏ တည္ရွိမႈကုိ တရားဝင္ျငင္းဆုိသြားခဲ့သည္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပင္ သူ၏ အစုိးရသည္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားမစ္ရွင္မ်ား၊ ကုလသမဂၢေအဂ်င္စီမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ အထူးကုိယ္စားလွယ္အပါအဝင္ ကုလသမဂၢ အရာရွိမ်ား အား ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ ျမန္မာျပည္မွ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုတခုအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလက္ခံေနျခင္းမွ ရပ္တန္႔ေစေရးအတြက္ ဖိအားေပးရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈမ်ားကုိ စုိက္လုိက္မတ္တတ္ ျပဳမူလက္ရွိသည္။

ထုိသုိ႔ေသာ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ မူဝါဒမ်ားသည္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ဆန္႔က်င္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ႀကဳံေတြ႕ရသည္။ ထုိအထဲတြင္ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴး ဘန္ကီမြန္း (Ban Ki-Moon) ႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္သမၼတ ဘရတ္အုိဘားမား (Barack Obama) တုိ႔ကဲ့ေသာ ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ပါဝင္သည္။ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈကင္းျခင္း၊ သာတူညီမွ်အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာႏွင့္ အျခားျမန္မာျပည္မွ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုမ်ားနည္းတူ ညီမွ်ေသာ အေျခခံေလးစားမႈမ်ားကုိ ထုိက္တန္ေသာ လူနည္းစုတုိင္းရင္းသားတစုအျဖစ္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာမွ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေသာ္လည္း ယင္းႏွင့္ လုံးလုံးလ်ားလ်ား ဆန္႔က်င္ကာ ျမန္မာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာလူမ်ားစုႏွင့္ ရခုိင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရးဝါဒီမ်ားက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတေသာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံမွ ခုိးဝင္လာေသာ တရားမဝင္ ေျပာင္းေရႊေနထုိင္သူ မြတ္စလင္မ်ားဟု တံဆိပ္ကပ္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔လွ်င္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ လူသားအျဖစ္မွ ႏွိမ့္ခ်ကာ ဗုိင္းရပ္စ္မ်ား၊ ေမွ်ာ့မ်ား၊ ဘီလူးမ်ား၊ ေခြးမ်ား စသည့္ အေခၚအေဝၚမ်ဳိးစုံျဖင့္ သမုတ္ၾကေလသည္။

ဝမ္းနည္းစရာေကာင္းသည္မွာ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ ဒီမုိကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သား အတုိက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကယ္ပြင့္မ်ားျဖစ္သူ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားသည္လည္း ထုိသုိ႔ေသာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆန္႔က်င္ေရး စိတ္ဓါတ္မ်ားကုိ မွ်ေဝလက္သင့္ခံေနၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာအစုိးရသည္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ ေဘးဒုကၡကုိ လူမ်ားစု ဗုဒၶဘာသာရခုိင္မ်ားႏွင့္ မြတ္စလင္႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအၾကားျဖစ္ပြားေသာ လူမ်ဳိးေရးပဋိပကၡအျဖစ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွ အကူးအေျပာင္းတြင္ မလႊဲသာမေရွာင္သာ ဆက္ဆက္ႀကဳံေတြ႕ရမည့္ အက်ဳိးဆက္အျဖစ္လည္းေကာင္း တမင္လွည့္ျဖားကာ ပုံေဖာ္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းကုိ ကမၻာလုံးဆုိင္ရာ အစၥလာမ္အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒႏွင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ပုိဆုိးသည္မွာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ဝါဒႏွင့္လည္းေကာင္း ဆက္စပ္ရန္ ျမန္မာသမၼတ႐ုံးအဖြဲ႕မွ ႀကိဳးပမ္းရာတြင္ အေျခအျမစ္မရွိေသာ ထုတ္ျပန္စြတ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ားကုိ မွန္မွန္ႀကီး လုပ္ေလ့ရွိသည္။

ပုိမုိဆုိးရြားလာေသာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ ေဘးဒုကၡ

၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္လႏွင့္ ေအာက္တုိဘာလတုိ႔တြင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ စနစ္တက်အုပ္ဖြဲ႕တုိက္ခုိက္မႈ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္ျဖစ္ပြားၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ စ၍ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရွိ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ႔၏ ေဘးဒုကၡမွာ ပုိမုိဆုိးရြားလာခဲ့သည္။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၉ ရက္ေန႔ ေန႔စြဲပါ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီသုိ႔ တင္ေသာ သူမ၏ အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ ကုလသမဂၢအထူးကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ပေရာ္ဖက္ဆာ ယန္ဟီးလီက ျပည္တြင္းဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားခံစားရေသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္စရာ လမ္းႏွစ္လမ္းကုိ ထည့္သြင္းေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ “ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းမွာပဲ ေနၿပီး ေသ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ေလွစီးၿပီး ထြက္ေျပး”။ ကုလသမဂၢ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီး၏ အဆုိအရ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလမွ ႏုိဝင္ဘာလအထိ ၁၁ အတြင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွ မေလးရွားႏွင့္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသုိ႔ ေလွစီးထြက္ေျပးလာၾကေသာ မိန္းမႏွင့္ကေလးမ်ားအပါအဝင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္အေရအတြက္မွာ ၅၃ ၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိသည္ဟူ၏။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္သုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ေသာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာမွ ဧည့္သည္မ်ားက ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းအတြင္းအျပင္ ႏွစ္ရပ္လုံးရွိ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ေနရေသာအေျခအေနမ်ားကုိ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ႐ႈတ္ခ်ျပစ္တင္ထုိက္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာသမၼတ၏ ရခုိင္စုံစမ္းေလ့လာေရးေကာ္မရွင္မွ တင္ျပေသာ တရားဝင္အစီရင္ခံအရဆုိလွ်င္ပင္ ျမန္မာျပည္အေနာက္ပုိင္းရွိ အဓိက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာၿမဳိ႕ႀကီးႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ဆရာဝန္ႏွင့္ လူနာ အခ်ဳိးအစားမ်ားမွာ ၁ း ၇၆၀၀၀ ႏွင့္ ၁ း ၈၃၀၀၀ တုိ႔ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ (ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ျပရလွ်င္ ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံးအတြက္ ပ်မ္းမွ်အခ်ဳိးအစားမွာ ၁ း ၁၀၀၀ ျဖစ္သည္။)

ႏိုင္ငံတကာ တုန္႔ျပန္မႈမ်ား

လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေစာင့္ၾကည့္အဖြဲ႕ အပါအဝင္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ျမန္မာ၏ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံပုံကုိ “လူသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္အေပၚ က်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ” ႏွင့္ “လူမ်ဳိးတုန္း သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ” မ်ားအျဖစ္ အကဲျဖတ္သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး အေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢအထူးကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာ ေတာမတ္စ္ ကင္တားနားႏွင့္ ယန္းဟီးလီတုိ႔ကလည္း ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ်ားအေပၚ လူမ်ဳိးေရးခြဲျခားမႈႏွင့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ားကုိ ခြင့္ျပဳထားေသာ အစုိးရ၏ တရားဝင္ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈႏွင့္ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ား သေဘာသဘာဝကုိ ေထာက္ျပခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ပစိဖိတ္ရင္းမ္ ဥပေဒႏွင့္ေပၚလစီ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကလည္း ယင္းတုိ႔၏ ပညာရပ္ဆုိင္ရာ ဂ်ာနယ္ျဖစ္သည့္ “ပစိဖိတ္ရင္းမ္ ဥပေဒႏွင့္ေပၚလစီ ဂ်ာနယ္” (၂၀၁၄ ေႏြဦး)တြင္ “ျမန္မာ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ တေငြ႕ေငြ႕ေလာင္ကၽြမ္းေနသည့္ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈ” ေခါင္းစဥ္ရ သုံးႏွစ္တာ ပညာရပ္ဆုိင္ရာ ေလ့လာမႈစာတမ္းကုိ ထုတ္ေဝခဲ့သည္။ လတ္တေလာတြင္လည္း လန္ဒန္တကၠသုိလ္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္မွက်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ သုေတသန စီမံကိန္းအဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ ေယးလ္တကၠသုိလ္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးဥပေဒျမွင့္တင္ေရး တုိ႔မွ သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေသာ သုေတသနအဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏွစ္ဖြဲ႕သည္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏အေျခအေနကုိ လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈေဘာင္အတြင္းမွ ေလ့လာစုံစမ္းေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

ဟားဗတ္တကၠသုိလ္မွ (Amartya Sen) အမၼာတိယ ဆင္းမ္ကဲ့သုိ႔ ထင္ရွားေသာ ပညာရွင္မ်ားက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ျမန္မာ၏ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံပုံကုိ “တျဖည္းျဖည္း လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈ”ဟု သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ လန္ဒန္စီးပြားေရးတကၠသုိလ္တြင္ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလက က်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာျပႆနာ ကြန္ဖရင့္စ္တြင္လည္း တာဝန္မွ ထြက္ခြာေတာ့မည့္ ျမန္မာ့လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးဆုိင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ အထူးကုိယ္စားလွယ္မစၥတာ ကင္တားနားက ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကိစၥႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ “လူမ်ဳိးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈ အျပဳအမူမ်ား”ကုိ ေလ့လာေတြ႕ရွိခဲ့သည္ဆုိ၏။

ယခု က်င္းပမည့္ ေအာ္စလုိ ကြန္ဖရင့္တြင္ ေဂ်ာ့ဂ်္ ဆုိး႐ုိ႕စ္ (George Soros) ႏွင့္ ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူ (Desmond Tutu) အပါအဝင္ ကမၻာ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားသည္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရင္းႏွီးျမွဳတ္ႏွံသူမ်ား၊ ဥေရာပဘုံေစ်းအဖြဲ႕ ၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္နီးစပ္ေသာ အစုိးရမ်ားကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ ဖိႏွိပ္ဆက္ဆံမႈအား အဆုံးသတ္ေစရန္ တုိက္တြန္းသြားမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ သူတုိ႔သည္ ကမၻာေပၚတြင္ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရဆုံးေသာ လူမ်ဳိးတစုအတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ဥပေဒမ်ားအရ မိမိဘာသာ လူမ်ဳိးအမွတ္သညာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခြင့္၊ အေျခခံလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ လူမ်ဳိးႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံသားရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္ ေဆာင္က်ဥ္းေပးႏုိင္ရန္ တုိက္တြန္းသြားမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

Public Announcement of The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Persecution of the Rohingyas


The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Persecution of the Rohingyas

Venues: The Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen

Oslo, Norway

26-28 May 2015 

Refugees International (RI), Justice for All (USA), the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), Harvard Global Equality Initiative (HGEI), and International State Crime Initiative Queen Mary University of London (ISCI) and Den norske Burmakomité will be holding a 3-day international conference to discuss the plight of over 1-million Rohingyas of Myanmar (Burma) and explore concrete ways to end their decades-long persecution.

George Soros who escaped Nazi-occupied Hungary sees a parallel between his experience of life under the Nazis in 1944 and the human conditions for the Rohingyas in Western Myanmar, which he witnessed first-hand during a recent visit to the country.

At the conference, iconic leaders from diverse backgrounds including Soros, Nobel Peace laureates Mairead Maguire, Desmond Tutu, and Jose Rose-Jorta, and the former prime ministers of Malaysia and Norway - namely Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad and Kjell Magne Bondevik - will join hands with the representatives of the two generations of Rohingya refugees and activists as well as international human rights researchers and scholars of genocides and mass atrocities. They will push for the end to Myanmar’s policies of discrimination, persecution and oppression. 

Tomas Ojea Quinta and Yanghee Lee, former and present UN Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in Myanmar respectively, will also share their expertise with the audiences and other participants. 

The first day of the Oslo Conference is open to the public and will be webcast LIVE. 

Click here for the Conference Program (Draft).
To register, please RSVP by sending an email to OsloConference@yahoo.com. Be sure to include your full name, organizational affiliation (if any), and country of residence.

A 3-day Conference

26 May 2015: The first day of the conference – open to the public - will be held at the Nobel Institute and Voksenaasen conference center on 26 May 2015. 

27 May 2015: The second day of the conference – by invitation-only – will be devoted to exploring concrete ideas and proposals to help push for the restoration of basic human rights, nationality, and citizenship to the Rohingyas. 

28 May 2015: On the third and final day, the conference will host a Burma Forum in central Oslo, a public roundtable with select group of Rohingya leaders, other religious leaders and human rights experts to discuss Myanmar’s rising anti-Muslim hate campaign as well as other contemporary issues of relevance. For more information about the Burma Forum email Norwegian Burma Committee at info@burma.no

Backgrounder to the Oslo Conference

Rakhine Action Plan 

In July 2014, Myanmar government floated a comprehensive plan, known as the “Rakhine Action Plan”, to erase both Rohingya identity and the group’s legal residency in their own ancestral land and sent a 3-member advocacy team – made up of President’s adviser and former academic Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Immigration Minister and ex-Brigadier Khin Yi, and Rakhine Chief Minister and ex-Major General Maung Maung Ohn - to lobby western governments and relevant international organizations to accept Myanmar’s official plan to solve “the Rohingya problem”. 

Thein Sein’s government in Myanmar is currently implementing the Rakhine Action Plan. This is evidenced from the further illegalization and disenfranchisement of the vast majority of ethnic Rohingya since March this year, by forcibly confiscating their White Cards, the only documentation that Rohingyas had of their legal, permanent residency. Meanwhile, the international community’s attention is diverted to the fighting along the country’s Sino-Burmese borders between Myanmar army and Kokant Chinese armed resistance organization and its allies, as well as Aung San Suu Kyi’s attempts to push for changes in the military’s 2008 Constitution in time for this year’s planned elections

Myanmar’s Policy of Official Denial and Persecution of the Rohingyas

Following the large scale violence against the Rohingyas in June 2012, Myanmar’s “reformist” government officially proposed two solutions to the Rohingya issue to the visiting head of the United Nations Refugee Agency or UNHCR António Guterres - either the “resettlement” of the Rohingyas to third countries, or placing Rohingya in UN-financed camps on their own ancestral soil in Western Myanmar. In his widely reported address to the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House), in London, UK on 17 July 2013, Myanmar President Thein Sein officially denied the existence of Rohingyas as either legal residents or an ethnic group while his government has made consistent attempts to pressure INGOs, foreign missions and the United Nations agencies and officials – including the UN Special Rapporteurs on the human rights situation in Myanmar - to stop recognizing the Rohingya as a distinct ethnic group of Myanmar. 

Such statements and policies have been met with stiff opposition from the international community, including the highest level of leaderships such as UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon and US President Barack Obama. In sharp contrast to the international recognition of the Rohingya as an ethnic group, deserving non-discrimination, equal rights, dignity, and the same basic respect as any other indigenous peoples of Myanmar, the country’s Bama or Myanmar Buddhist majority and Rakhine nationalists label the Rohingyas as “illegal Muslim migrants” from the impoverished Bangladesh. As such, Rohingya have popularly been dehumanized and referred to by terms such as “viruses”, “leeches”, (ugly) “ogres”, “dogs” etc. 

Sadly, Myanmar’s pro-democracy opposition leaders and human rights organizations including Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy and other iconic human rights the leaders of the 88 Generation Group also share this anti-Rohingya sentiment. The Myanmar government has, misleadingly, portrayed the plight of Rohingyas as the result of a communal conflict between the predominantly Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya and a supposedly inevitable consequence of the “transition” from dictatorship. Periodically, unsubstantiated claims are made by Myanmar President’s Office attempting to link the Rohingya community to global “Islamic fundamentalism”, and worse still, “terrorism”. 

The Worsening Plight of the Rohingyas

The plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar has worsened since the two bouts of organized attacks on the Rohingya in June and October 2012. In her 9-March-2015 report to the United Nations Human Rights Council, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Professor Yanghee Lee stated that Rohingya refugees inside Internally Displaced Persons (or IDP) camps feel they have two (equally risky) options: “to stay and die (in Myanmar) or leave by boat”. According to the UN High Commissioner for the Refugees (UNHCR), approximately 53,000 Rohingyas, including women and children, left Myanmar (and Bangladesh) by boats bound for Thailand and Malaysia in the 11-month period between January and November 2014. International visitors to Rakhine state have described the human conditions for the Rohingyas, both inside and outside IDP camps, as “deplorable”. Even by Myanmar’s official report of Myanmar President’s Rakhine Inquiry Commission, doctor-patient ratios among the Rohingyas in the two majority Rohingya towns in Western Myanmar are 1: 76,000 and 1:83,000 (vis-à-vis 1: 1,000 for the national average). Some local Rakhine groups routinely threaten international humanitarian organizations and attempt to disrupt and stop the delivery of basic humanitarian aid to the Rohingyas. 

International Responses

Human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch have assessed Myanmar’s treatment of Rohingyas as ‘crimes against humanity’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’. UN Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in Myanmar including Tomas Quintana Ojea and Yanghee Lee have highlighted the official nature of discrimination and persecution of the Rohingyas that a condones popular racism and violence against Myanmar’s Muslims. The Pacific Rim Law and Policy Association has published a 3-year academic study entitled “The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya” in its peer-reviewed journal “Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal” (Spring, 2014). 

Renowned academics, for instance, Harvard’s Amartya Sen have characterized Myanmar’s treatment of Rohingyas as a “slow genocide”. Likewise, at the conference on the Rohingyas at the London School of Economics held in April 2014 the then outgoing UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Tomas Oeja Quintana observed reportedly “genocidal acts” in the case of Rohingyas. 

At this Oslo Conference, global leaders including George Soros and Desmond Tutu will call on the international community, both international investors, European Union and governments with close ties to Myanmar, to help end Myanmar’s Rohingya persecution. They will also call for the restoration of basic human rights, nationality and citizenship to one of the world’s most vulnerable and oppressed peoples who, as a group, do have the fundamental right to self-identity under international human rights law. 

Scholar Maung Zarni Defines Genocide in HHRP Lecture

By David Reich
April 15, 2015

The word genocide calls to mind events like the Jewish and Armenian holocausts, but according to Maung Zarni, a Burmese scholar affiliated with Harvard and the London School of Economics, smaller-scale killing can also fit the definition “if done in an attempt to destroy a people.” 

Such is the case with the victimization of Burma’s Rohingya Muslim ethnic group by members of the Buddhist majority, which has involved explicit violence on a relatively modest scale but also forced birth control, forced relocation, and denial of access to food and medical care, said Zarni, who on April 13, delivered a lecture on the topic, sponsored by the Law School’s Owen M. Kupferschmid Holocaust and Human Rights Project

How could Buddhists, raised to spare the lives of all creatures, even insects, perpetrate a genocide? The answer, Zarni said, is common to every genocide: the perpetrator learns to see himself as a victim, and a defender of his nation or ethnic group. “We have to frame the target of the attack as a threat to our livelihood, a threat to our national community, as a virus, a leach, a bloodsucker,” he said. 

All genocides have another common element, Zarni said, in that the genocidal acts are orchestrated, not spontaneous. “This is not like football hooliganism,” he said, “where your team lost and you want to express your rage. You always find an organization, you always find leaders who are mobilizing public opinion [in favor of] an act that is otherwise unthinkable.”

The Annual Owen Kupferschmid Memorial Lecture By Maung Zarni

Holocaust & Human Rights Projects at Boston College Law School's