Calling on Canada to help end Myanmar Genocide of Rohingya at Toronto City Council on 23 Nov 2017

Saying "Sorry!" to a Rohingya brother who survived Myanmar Genocide, Kutupalong Camp, Bangladesh, 7 Nov 2017.

Speaking on the Slow Burning Genocide of Rohingyas in Burma, with Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Nov 2014

N. Ireland peace activist Mairead Maguire presenting Zarni with the Cultivation of Harmony Award on behalf of the Parliament of the World's Religions, Salt Lake City, USA 18 Oct 2015

Meeting with The Minister of Foreign Affairs Rt. Honourable Abul Hassan Mahmood Ali, M.P., State Guest House, Dhaka, 4 Nov 2017

"National Traitor and Enemy of the State" for his opposition to Rohingya Genocide. Sun Rays, 16/9/17

7-lies which have earned Myanmar President Thein Sein the status of "a world class liar"

"The Kachin Independence Organization does not represent the interests of the Kachin people, nor does it enjoy the popular support."

-- President Thein Sein

People in Myanmar call Thein Sein a 'world class liar', and with good reasons.


A scene from Myitkyina late May this year where the streets overflowed with supporters welcoming the delegates of the Kachin Independence Organization and Kachin Independence Army coming to the Kachin capital for ceasefire talks with Thein Sein Government representatives.

They know why his life-long senior boss Than Shwe hand-picked him:  to play President in a new set up of Myanmar's military-crony complex, who is able to lie domestically and globally with a straight face.



Thein Sein was - and still is - to be the military-crony complex's smoothest sales agent, a role in which he is excelling, thanks largely to the desperate Western interests that are too eager to have a new strategic and business partner in Myanmar, with their old darling Suu Kyi, playing a second fiddle in her post-iconic phase and serving still as a usable moral smokescreen.

Lest we forget President Thein Sein was the man who has a consistent pattern of lying with a straight face as one of Than Shwe's deputies.  Bespectacled Thein Sein's quiet, unassuming and sincere exterior betrays the real liar, militarist and racist inside.

When he was a regional commander of Eastern Command in the 1980's, he presided over cases of land grab from poor farmers - a land theft that is. And when he was confronted with the evidence he flat-out denied it.

After his powerful seniors fell - such as General Khin Nyunt - Thein Sein chaired the National Convention which took nearly 13 years to write the current Constitution of 2008 - written primarily with the purpose of safeguarding the long-term structural and personal interests of the military and its leaders.

He was a 4th ranking general with the executive authorities as Prime Minister when the military leadership blocked emergency aid to the Cyclone Nargis Victims in May 2008, and instead prioritized completing its sham National Referendum to usher in the military's "democracy-proof constitution".

When he officially assumed Presidency in the Burmese summer of 2011 after again a rigged election in November 2010 he read a speech, hitting all the right liberal nodes.

But when the occasions demand his genuinely reformist, visionary leadership Naypyidaw's front man has unraveled, showing his true colors.

Losing his remarkable stamina to lie, in the recent town-hall meeting on the Voice of American earlier May Burmese Thein Sein was seen rushing out of the interview, without addressing them truthfully, or not at all, when a barrage of hard questions were directed at him on the Rohingya ethnic cleansing, sham parliamentary system, etc from the Burmese on the floor.

I offer my pick of 7 lies

First, on the orchestrated mass violence against the Rohingya in June 2012, President Thein Sein proposed - officially!! - to the visiting head of the UN High Commission on the Refugees (UNHCR) his visionary solutions: either expel, air-lift or ship out all the Rohingyas - whom his government insisted, and still insist, on calling (illegal) Bengali - or build an apartheid for them in Northern Arakan State of Western Burma, with the international financing.

Second, when that backfired leading to a public relations disaster, Thein Sein externalized the blame to the racist Buddhist monks - which have been preaching hatred and fear of Islam, with the open backing of Myanmar's ministry of religion and home affairs - and blamed the 'ultra-nationalist Rakhines', while barking humanitarianism and human rights.

Third, immediately after these two moves, he set up a 27-member presidential Inquiry Commission on 17 August 2012 to investigate the causes of the 'sectarian violence' between the Rohingya and the Rakhine, stacking it with some of the Who's Who in Burmese politics, academy, high society and business and used the sheer establishment of the Commission to make his Government appear, at the United Nations General Assembly, to be 'doing something' to address the world class slaughter. Thein Sein was proven right about the value of bringing in reliable Presidential Whitewashers as the latter simply absolved Thein Sein Government of any foul play in the ethnocide and genocide of the Rohingya since the 1970s.

Fourth, President Thein Sein consented to signing a Memorandum of Understanding with the Organization of Islamic Conference according to which OIC was to open a liaison office in Rangoon to help with humanitarian assistance to both the Muslim and Buddhist victims of mass violence.  That was in the midst the organizing's growing call for taking the issue of death and destruction of the Muslim Rohingya to the Security Council, only to renege on the agreement when the OIC, the only international body that dared to call Rohingya Genocide by its proper name, lost its steam. Thein Sein and his men instigated the popular protests against the visiting OIC delegation in Sittwe (and other cities of Myanmar) led by its Secretary General and created a 'democracy pretext' - that as President of a (make-believe) 'democratic government' he must heed the voices of his people!

Fifth, President Thein Sein reiterated a world class official lie to the CNN that 'according to his government, there is no policy of discrimination based on race or religion' and repeated his ethnocidal words: there are no Rohingya in Burma, but only Bengali whom the British Raj brought for farm work in the colonial Western Burma after 1824.



Sixth, this Burmese man whom the International Crisis Group, out of its collective anti-empirical delusions, picked to be its 'man of world peace', not exactly the award's title once again repeated Naypyidaw's constitutionally, structurally and ideologically anti-democratic stance: that the Burmese military is the most special or exceptional institution in national politics who need a guaranteed and special place in a democracy. The ICG's man of peace and the Nobel Institute's short-listed Peace award nominee is nothing if not blatantly diabolical and Orwellian.

Seventh and finally, in the following YouTube clip President Thein Sein is caught, once again, deliberately mis-framing the Kachin Independence Arm as 'a terrorist' organization that was carrying out sabotage against Burma's main hydropower plant which generates electricity for the country. In his own words, "n this day and age the world no longer accepts practices of extracting funds from innocent communities for insurgency activities".


That, coming from the leader of Myanmar's quasi-civilian government controlled by the Tatmadaw or Royal Armed Forces which has long re-turned to its roots, in a word, neo-Fascism.  That is, racist, thieving, raping, robbing, slaughtering and you get the drift.

He offered 'terrorism' and the old unacceptable insurgents' practices as the two main causes of the break-down of the 17-years ceasefire with the Kachins. Since the 17-year ceasefire broke down 2 years ago, the Kachin Independence Army has, with remarkable degree of self-restraints, re-framed from any type of activities that can ever be legitimately called 'terrorist'. 

"The Kachin Independence Organization does NOT represent the interests of the Kachin people, nor does it enjoy the popular support."

But on the consistent pattern of this remarkable liar, I will give his peace-award giver, namely the International Crisis Group (ICG), the last word. For this pathetic tango between Naypyidaw Thein Sein and ICG's Burma experts is a case where birds of the same feather flocking together.

The late Havel, the author of the classic 'Power of the Powerless', might say, "Liars of the World, Unite!' - and they certainly.



Ask ICG's Jim Della-Giacoma  and Thein Sein's spokesmen Ye Htut and Htay Zaw.

Alas, Orwell's ghost roams in president Myanmar.

“Whatever our prospects for a bright future may be, we are still at a sensitive stage in the reform process where there is little room for error; as such, senseless, irrational, reactionary and extremist behaviour and action by some of our citizens may lead to the failure of the reform process itself. I would like to seriously caution you that we, as citizens, must refrain from doing anything that will jeopardize our transition to a peaceful, democratic nation.”

Here is the ICG and its Myanmar perniciousness in action.

"This quote from President Thein Sein’s speech to the nation was not the manifesto of someone worried about his party gaining votes or being re-elected as president. Made after the release of the Rakhine Commission report on 6 May, it was a bold statement of vision for his country as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation. It came at a time of crisis as essentially Buddhist-on-Muslim violence has been spreading. It was not a view necessarily supported by many of his compatriots who share his Buddhist religion or Bamar ethnicity. The near-silence of the National League for Democracy’s Aung San Suu Kyi on this issue in recent months has only underlined how far out in front of popular opinion he has been in his rhetoric."

Indeed that was, well, the rhetoric.

The job of an expert or analyst is to tease out presidential deeds from the rhetoric.

But apparently, ICG operates in the world of Myanmar rhetoric, and emphatically, lies where rhetoric and deeds enjoy the equal analytical status.

So, Mr President, more lies, please!

The Latest Peace Charade by Thein Sein Government, this time, with the Kachins

Listen to the speeches by Kachin politicians and military leaders, as well as by Myanmar 'peace negotiators'.

The signed 7-point agreement between Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army leaders is not unlike what Thein Sein government in Naypyidaw has dragged the Karen National Union through. 

The meeting in Myitkyina and the joint 7-point statement is largely designed to show Western donors, international creditors and potential foreign investors that Myanmar's 'new' government is serious about lasting peace and a business-friendly environment in the country. 

Naypyidaw is, in effect, waging a public relations offensive targeting the West - and the international organizations - which are all too eager to believe in the reformists' in Naypyidaw.

It is not really pursuing lasting peace on equal terms with the Kachins.

The Kachins who co-founded the Union of Burma in 1947 as a federal union where ethnic equality was the foundational principle have reiterated their call for reviving both the spirit and content of the Panglong Agreement (signed 12 Feb 1947), the country's founding treaty among the co-founding ethnic communities.

Nearly 7 decades since independence, Myanmar military has failed to honor, respect and institutionalize ethnic equality among all constitutive ethnic communities of Burma. 

On this glaring violation of ethnic equality in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi has recently blasted her business partner, namely President Thein Sein as failing to formulate and implement credible reforms. 

Thein Sein, the International Crisis Group's recipient of "In Pursuit of Peace" award this year has been falsely credited by the self-interested Western powers with what she herself calls 'reforms of 3 years with no positive or tangible impact on society'. It is under Thein Sein's watch Myanmar has gone through - and is still going through - renewed fightings in Eastern Burma, ethnic cleansing in Western Burma and massive land grab and ecological destruction in the Dry Zone heartlands of Burma.

A Kachin dissident is less diplomatic than the Lady when he shared his scathing view towards the 7-point Kachin Independence Organization-Myanmar military agreement, including an agreement 'to talk again and more'.

"What the Burmese side can offer is nothing new; the same old shit about humanitarian assistance, resettlement of IDPs , etc."

Both the Kachin and Naypyidaw Myanmar negotiators may have been happy about the public relations benefits they think they gained from simply holding a highly publicized and ritualized 'dialogue in Myitkyina in the presence of Yangon-based China's second secretary, UN Envoy Nambia and some Norwegian donors.

Already Thein Sein's presidential office spokesperson has tweeted this as 'good news'. The KIA leaders, however, in fact, reaped the windfall of overwhelming public support among its grassroots public in Kachin-land. Naypyidaw's militarists who have falsely and deliberately framed the KIA as non-representative of the Kachin interests at large could not have been happy by the sight of outpouring of Kachin and public support for the KIA's genuinely honest sounding and looking negotiators including General Gum Maw. 

But still, from the perspective of Burmese/Kachin streets, absolutely nothing is really significant is in the text of the agreement in terms of the need to address the Kachin's decades' old political grievances.

(1) Government and KIA agree to continue holding 'political discussions'; 
(2) Both parties agree to work towards reduction in arm clashes and prevent them; 
(3) It is agreed, in principle, that a joint monitoring committee to be made up of representatives from both parties needs to be established; 
(4) Both sides agree to collaborate on the rehabilitation of the (Kachin) IDPs driven out of their homes owing to the insecure situation; 
(5) In order to facilitate further line of communication and discussion, a KIO representative and a"work team" will be based in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State; 
(6) (Respective) troop locations and troops resettlement will be further discussed;
and finally 
(7) In the next KIO-Government meeting, it is agreed that all the delegates from both sides who attended the present meeting in Myitkyina will return to the discussions. Both sides agreed to discuss and work out new participants and organizations which may be invited to attend the next meeting.

The Agreement (In Burmese)





Audio Clips

Myanmar and Its 9 patterns of Mass Political Violence since Depayin Massacre in 2003



A government propagandist under the pen name of Ludhu Maung Kar Lu writes:

Here come our nation's heroes in Lashio, Shan State, and how they are defending our (Buddhist) faith and race!

Maung Kar Lu, a pseudonym, is suspected of being a team of a few guys including Vice Minister of Information Ye Htut and former minister of info ex-Brigadier Kyaw Hsan) has this to say about organized mortor-cycle thugs in Lashio. In the past, under ex-general Khin Nyunt's directorship, a similar team operated under the email alias: Okkar.

In the days of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a mass organization which Than Shwe founded and patronized had a wing of thugs named Swan-Ar-Shi or The Force, which Aung San Suu Kyi herself called "Burma's Brown Shirts".

Swan Ar-Shin was a mix of regular thuggish elements from the USDA and hired hitmen from among a large army of poor, unschooled and un-employed men desperate for meals for themselves and for their families.   During the Saffron Revolution of 2007, the Than Shwe regime initially mobilized Swan Ar-Shin in order to quell essentially the defiant monks on the streets of Rangoon, Mandalay, etc.

Regime sympathizers among the Burmese such as Assistant Professor Kyaw Yin Hlaing of the City University of Hong Kong would falsely characterize these hired thugs from poor city neighborhoods as 'community volunteers and leaders' who were simply trying to restore order and calm on the street.

In the Depayin massacre/bloody ambush against the NLD leadership on the outskirt of a rural town named Depayin near Mongya city on May 2003, Than Shwe regime unleashed several thousands of these thuggish elements - many of whom were drugged prior to their bloody attack on unarmed NLD supporters travelling with ASSK along the country road.

Brandishing swords, sticks and other weapons, these 'patriotic defenders of Buddhist faith and race' show absolutely no concern or no regard for any law enforcement agencies and local security forces.

I am more than confident that these motorcyclist-thugs enjoy the backing from the highest level of the power structures in Naypydiaw as did the perpetrators of the Depayin massacre organized.

Paraphrasing the words of Irrawaddy founder and publisher Aung Zaw who wrote an analysis a few months ago about who might be behind recent attacks against Myanmar Muslims, there are Naypyidaw elements behind these waves of organized mass violence which are 'too big' to take any action against by the meek and dishonest leadership of 'reformist' President Thein Sein.


There can be found 9 recognizable patterns in the on-again, off-again waves of mass violence that appear 'sectarian' or 'communal' or seemingly spontaneous riots and violence among the mobs, since May 2003 where Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade was ambushed by a well-organized mob of about 5,000 hired thugs and USDA members trucked in to the ambush site under the operational leadership of the late Prime Minister and Lt-General Soe Win, the current Union Solidarity and Development party leaders ex-Brigadier Aung Thaung (MP) and the then Education Minister Pan Aung.  

These patterns include:

1) the mobs show absolutely no sign of regard for the security forces nor do they seem to be concerned about the legal ramifications of their murderous acts in broad day light;

2) Burma's generally trigger-happy security forces with 50-years record of massacres and bloody crackdown sit on their hands, in most cases;

3) with military-like precision and effectiveness, the perpetrators carry out their atrocities and mass violence against targets, be their dissidents or the scapegoated religious and ethnic minorities;

4) these attacks often coincide with significant developments in the country, for instance, the Rakhine leaders' increasingly vocal demand for greater political autonomy and fairer revenue sharing, the rising tide of popularity for Aung San Suu Kyi, skyrocketing of prices of basic consumer essentials such as fuels and rice , a visible crisis of public confidence in the military leadership, the military leadership's strategic failures in various domains of policy and practice such as the break-down of a ceasefire with some armed resistance groups, or the push for greater power and revenue sharing or a constitutional amendment;

5) the authorities take no punitive actions against anyone involved in mass violence and destruction; in other words, the government of Myanmar seems to offer the organized mob a blanket impunity to commit atrocities at will;  as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana put it in March this year, “I have received reports of State involvement in some of the acts of violence, and of instances where the military, police and other civilian law enforcement forces have been standing by while atrocities have been committed before their very eyes, including by well organised ultra-nationalist Buddhist mobs. This may indicate direct involvement by some sections of the State or implicit collusion and support for such actions.”

6) the government media outlet such as Myanmar TV and the Army's Myawaddy, social media sites, crony-run racist private media, government spokespersons and ministries of information and foreign affairs put out deliberately false news, manufactured facts and figures and issue confusing and conflicting narratives - for instance, one-side government-backed massacres as 'communal riots' 'sectarian violence', etc;

7) form inquiry commissions whose mission is to simply whitewash the bloody events and absolve the senior most leadership of the military and semi-military governments of any wrongdoing, involvement or failure to ensure human security (public safety) for individuals and public; and

8) international media and western and eastern national governments, generally speaking, have proven to be   too eager to swallow Myanmar government's official line or lies, thereby playing, wittingly or not, 'external enablers' role' in Burma's unfolding mass violence, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity; and

9) the Burmese military leaders and their advisers entice foreign governments that initially get concerned while the former will attempt to split foreign blocs  such as ASEAN, OIC or EU, by dangling divergent economic and strategic sweeteners.  

"Buddhist Nation", My Arse!: On Bama "Buddhist" Nationalism in the Un-Thinking Nation-State


Here is Aung San, student activist-cum-revolutionary architect of Burma's independence (13 Feb 1915- 19 Jul 1947)
Everyone knows his name and claims to revere him,
but few has pursued his vision of a 'civic, secular and inclusive'  nationalist Burma.

Almost 70 years after independence from the White Man (the British Raj), Myanmar is rudderless.

It is rudderless, intellectually and ideologically.

The result is all kinds of 'democracy promoters' and 'capacity builders' from all corners of the world are coming in with their remedial and half-baked 'social science' ideas, ignoring the advice the late C.Wright Mills half centuries ago warned social scientists against:  pretend to have scientific knowledge about society and human inhabitants and sell equally pseudo-scientific and ideologically driven policy makers their own pet pseudo-scientific policy advice and ideas.

These 'global gurus' are building even 'centers of excellence' in higher education in a country where most people, you and old, have not been encouraged or taught to THINK - just simply THINK!

So, you can't blame these charlatans and 'democracy and economy' quacks of all stripes and colours, who come in for their own hidden agendas, corporate, personal and neo-Liberal.

The main problem of course is this:

ideas are not coming from the 'natives', neither the mainstream political party of the NLD, nor the much-touted '88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group' (of George Soros).

Worse still, the face and the brain of this group are once again proving themselves to be racist and ethno-nationalist chauvinists.

In contrast, as early as 1945, Aung San offered far more fresh, forward-thinking and non-racist ideas and vision than all of the men and women have ever done as a group of dissidents.

Unlike the cream of Burma's crop, including his daughter, the late Aung San NEVER studied in foreign 'world class' universities.

Nor did he consider siting in colonial jail - or for that matter, nor would he Burmese dictatorship's jails - a worthwhile choice.

He made sure he spend not a single hour in police custody or Class A political prisoners' cells in colonial Insein jail in his 10 years in politics in Rangoon.

He was truly a self-made man. And yet his intellectual power was tremendous: he formulated non-racial, civic, secular and inclusive NATIONALISM - the only version that is viable - for the country in 1947.

Aung San foresaw the need for a regional group - such as ASEAN - about 20 years before any "Southeast Asian" leaders pursued it.

All was buried along with his body in the fall of 1947.

Generations of Burmese growing up bowing to Aung San's pictures and posters on every 19 July - 10:30 am, to commemorate the assassination of AS and his colleagues.

Many put his pictures on their t-shirts or hang big banners of his mug on their house walls.

But not many seem to have any clue as to what Aung San stood and fought for:

civic, secular, non-discriminatory, non-ethnic, nationalism that defines "Bu-mi-pu-tra' or "Tai-yin-Thar" as anyone whose umbilical chord was buried in Burma!

The same thing can be said about self-described "Buddhists" in Burma who don't know what Buddha Dharma really is, hence up in arms about 'protecting Buddhism and defending "Buddhist nation" from the impending attack by "Islam"!

Because Buddhist philosophy is not sufficiently internalized - nor human rights for that matter - the Burmese public becomes susceptible to potent strains of neo-fascist nationalism with a very strong racial and ethno-religious component.

As Thailand's highly respected Buddhist thinker Ajan Sulak Sivaraksa put it, Buddhism is about extinguishing Ego - the illusions of Ego - and nations and nation-states are about "Extended Egos".  

Nationalism and Buddhism are incommensurate, utterly irreconciliable.

So, my fellow Buddhists, "Buddhist nation", my arse!

And Aung San would say, "Amen"! 


Inter-ethnic and MultiCulturalist Solidarity as the Only Game-Changer in Myanmar Politics







A real and absolutely necessary paradigm shift in Burmese politics, economy and society is conceivable - only in the following scenario:

The Bama Buddhist public in the plains, the armed resistance groups in the mountains and the valleys and the non-Bama multiethnic, multi-faith public, acting in solidarity with one another as fellow wretched of Burma under half-century of generals' rule.

In order for that unity to emerge we all need to share a common analysis, fully subscribe to the principles of ethnic and religious equality, and be committed to fundamental human rights, irrespective of ethnicity, gender, class and citizenship.

Most importantly, Burma's multi-ethnic public at large need to come to realize from deep within their bones that they have been forced to live within and under half century old system since its inception in 1962 where thieving, robbing, murdering, raping generals, cronies and the parasitical technocrats and presidential advisers thrive at the people's expense.

The only cleansing that is long overdue is the cleansing of Burma's politics, economy and society of these thieves, robbers, rapists and genocidists, and their technocratic enablers.



Kachin and other locals poured onto the streets of Myitkyina to welcome and show their solidarity with the leaders of the Kachin Independence Organization/Army who came from Laisa, the revolutionary headquarters of the Kachin resistance, for 3rd round of political negotiations with Naypyidaw's negotiators, 28 May 2013


Aung San Suu Kyi: No real progress or positive impact after 3 years of Myanmar reforms


You can listen to her Chairman's review of the reports from party state offices here (in Burmese for 20 minutes).

Meeting of the NLD Party Central Committee meeting, 27 May 2013

The gist of key points are as follows:

Over the past 3 years since the reforms were launched in 2010, there have been no noticeable changes, progress, and improvement in the lives of the public in Burma.

There are 3 most important areas where there is no real change.

1) there is no rule of law in the county; there is no improvement at all.

2) there is no peace among our non-Bama Taiyin Thar ethnic communities.

3) there is an absolute need to make real constitutional amendments. There is no progress on that front either.


==============

Why isn't there peace in our country? 

Simply put, it is because there is no ethnic equality among ethnic peoples of our country.

So, no ethnic equality, no peace.

The Burmese tend to think of themselves as if they were not part of Taiyintha (or Bumiputra in Malay/Sanskrit). Then what are they/we?

The Constitution must enshrine, institutitionalize, and enforce this supreme principle of ethnic equality.  

The country's political system will have to be both democratic and federal.

================

One of the areas which is getting worse is the narcotics situation.

Not only is the authorities looking the other way but in many instances, the authorities are working together with the drug dealers.

=================

The public perception about the benefits of the reforms is that they are not reaping any positive impacts of the current reforms.

The realities in their lives lend support to their perception.

===================

The Constitution, the old system of Central Command and Control and the democratic principle of power devolution.

The Constitution itself is not allocating enough power to the (provinces/states/regions). Even in cases where there is enough Constitutionally allotted power to the locals, in practice the central command/control is still too strong.

===================

There is no permanent enemy or permanent friend in politics.

Why is Aung San Suu Kyi speaking out now?


Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi is finally speaking truths to power.


Suu Kyi Slams Reforms, Says Govt Introduced ‘No Tangible Changes’
  
It is most certainly welcome!

Better late than never.

She will never be able to  ride the military on to power - there is no way this Neanderthal institution will let her.

I hope she soon reconnects with the grassroots in Burma.

The grassroots is her real power base, not Washington with its 'Asian pivot', Beijing with its neighborly resource imperialism, or Naypyidaw's sham and military-controlled parliament where Than Shwe's real man presidential hopeful Shwe Mann is waiting in his wing for 2015 elections.

Why is Aung San Suu Kyi speaking out now?

After all she has given away too much of her international policy leverage, and simply going with the West's pre-determined new policy flow while pinning her hope on a single liar, namely Thein Sein,.

Did she not realize that Thein Sein spent most of his military career aiding and abetting in the old fox dictator Than Shwe in his 'crimes against humanity', 'ethnic cleansing' and a serial massacres of dissidents and citizens alike?

My view is the Lady seriously miscalculated these snaky men, in silk skirts and green uniform whose primary mission is NOT nation-building, but retention of power and wealth at all costs to the society at large.

Further, Aung San Suu Kyi grossly over-estimated the power of her own individual goodness with them.  Her business partners in the military and the military-controlled Thein Sein government rose to power precisely for their lack of virtues and serious nation-building intellectual capacities.  

Burma has had a system of lies since 1962, and good and virtuous men, by definition, do not survive, let alone thrive and rise in this system.

In addition, politics doesn't work on good intentions alone, especially the Burmese military politics where the snakes reign over the past half-century.

These men who delude themselves into thinking only they can lead the country have only venom for those whom they consider a serious challenge to them.

As her senior colleague Win Tin lamented her resumed act of speaking only truths to power was long overdue, and it has taken her 3 years. 

One hopes that she purges all the sycophants around her,  that is, almost all of them, who have no intellect or courage to tell her when she was making strategic miscalculations left and right.

The sooner the Lady wakes up to the unpleasant reality - that the bastard regime in Naypyidaw will never ever change or undertake necessary fundamental reforms for people's or country's sake, and that her future does NOT lie with the generals or Washington or Beijing - the better.

Expect the regime to be making concessions to the ethnic armed resistance organizations as a way of placating the latter while it will need to be turning its attention to the mainstream Bama politics, if it realizes the Lady may be getting out of their Washington-fixed marriage of the Lady and the Beasts and returning to her grassroots.

Much as she may long for a peaceful transition in Burma it will likely take a bloody major societal eruption and a massive revolt in order to deal a decisive blow to the ir-reformable neo-Fascist regime in Naypyidaw.

Their hands are soaked in blood and they have slaughtered every segment of Burmese society since they came to power in 1962 - monks, students, Chinese, Indian, Rohingya, Muslims, Christian minorities, ethnic nationalities and even their own kind.

No Burmese should be under the illusion that these men in soldier uniform will give up their power, privilege, 'special place' in society and wealth - without a serious fight.

88 Generation Ko Ko Gyi on the Rohingya, ethnicity and citizenship: An Unpublished Interview


"We are about to pronounce the official view (of 88 Generation Group) on the Rohingya. The Rohingya are not Myanmar Tai-yin-tha (or Bumiputra or native to Myanmar). The real issue in Bhutheedaung-Maungdaw is a mix of the illegal immigrants called Rohingya from Bangladesh and those who call themselves 'Rohingya', as the result of instigation by overseas elements."

- Ko Ko Gyi (seconded by Mya Aye, a Myanmar Muslim former student leader in the background of this You-Tube), 8 June 2012




The above is the 2-minute DVB interview liked/viewed by over 24,000 and posted on YouTube on 8 June 2012

The following transcript of the face-to-face interview with Ko Ko Ko Gyi was provided by Carlos Sardiña Galache, Spanish journalist, who interviewed the former student leader in Rangoon on 17 Aug 2012. 

Q: Do you think is right to make citizenship dependant on ethnicity as this law does?

A: I want to write an article with the title “Human, citizen and ethnic”. So from the humanitarian point of view we need to hear the humanism regardless of the borders and the barriers, it’s ok. Ok, but in real politics every country has borders, sovereignty and security problems. So in America they try to fence the Mexican border to guard their boundaries. Every country has its own citizenship law, so this is our internal affairs, not to make interference from outside. This is what our people need to discuss.

Q: You haven’t answered my question, do you think is right to base citizenship on ethnicity for Burma?

A: Repeatedly I told you we need to discuss to accommodate for the present situation. I just want to tell you that in such difficult situation between those populated regions, how can we identify our citizens if after 5 years you can live in our country [like in the USA] or if a baby born in our land automatically gets citizenship? How do make our national, cultural or historical preservation and maintenance?

[…]
Even though 1982 citizenship law is very strict law that so many criticize, I think after coup d’état back in 88, millions of population have it [citizenship]. Chinese and Bengalis also. You have to think that this is a problem for the national interest.


[…]

Even in Europe you have problems, like the looting in the UK, the killings in Norway, the Moroccans and Algerians in France, and the scarf, even there you have problems because of the immigrant people. Every country has its own problems about the immigrants.

[…]

Q: Even assuming that Rohingya are immigrants, and I am not saying that agree with that, lots of immigrants all over the world live peacefully and there's no problem…

A: Ok, if you live peacefully is ok. Our Rakhine, they lived in Bangladesh.

Q: And Rohingya also live peacefully here...

A: No! Rohingyas tried to revive the Mujaheed rebellion in the Parliamentary period and also very confusing... And then they wanted separate area, separate regions. If they live peacefully and respect is ok. Like Mon or Karen live in Thailand, they never insult or do any wrongdoing to their host country. But our situation is quite different.

Q: But the Mujahideen renounced to their struggle long time ago...(like in 1960).

A: Long time ago. Now is just population pressure. Some of the responses of some of the Rakhine people are illogical, I agree, but at the same time the Rohingya are more powerful than the Rakhine in the outside world, they use the international media and go through international organizations such as the UN.

//end text of the interview//

Compiler's remarks (not Carlos's):

According to Carlos, he conducted the tape-recorded interview face to face with Ko Ko Gyi in Rangoon on 17 August 2012, the day Presidential Inquiry Commission on the Rakhine Sectarian Violence was established, with Ko Ko Gyi as one of the 27 distinguished members.

Much has happened since the interview - like Obama's speech at Rangoon University in Nov 2012 where he named the un-namable - the Rohingya - ; South African retired bishop Desmond Tutu's visit in Feb 2013 and his strong push for the Burmese dissidents including Ko Ko Gy to dig deeper and find some human decency and open-mindedness towards the Rohingya, and the Human Rights Watch's report 'All You Can Do is To Pray" (late April 2013). 

But nothing significant seems to have changed the ignorance-soaked, national security-deluded paranoia of Mr Ko Ko Gyi. This is rather worrying for the Rohingya as the former International Relations student at Rangoon University is considered "the brain' of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group. 

Another important, if similarly misguided, ill-informed and discernibly racist view on the Rohingya issue was voiced by the group's face and leader Min Ko Naing (Paw Oo) at a Burmese migrants' event in New York this Sunday 26 May.



Here is the gist in English of this nearly 5 minute exposition on citizenship, Rohingya, etc. representing their group.

1). Re: (Bengalai) citizenship we need to treat it with utmost seriousness.
2). even in a liberal USA there are walls along its Mexico-USA borders.
3). We need to evaluate all available evidence about these people's ancestral roots. 
a) have they lived here for generations? b) have they just popped in from across the borders (from Bangladesh)?
4). shall we give someone citizenship simply because he or she can speak our Burmese language?
5). if they are citizens they have to be prepared to defend the country in the event of a foreign invasion.
6). citizenship rights come with responsibilities!; and
7). I will stand in front of them and fight for their rights, if they are prepared to bear national responsibilities!

Sai Latt, a respected Shan scholar felt compelled to comment on the speech:

actually, what is so wrong is the fact the existence of borders are taken for granted instead of rejecting them. "evaluating ancestral roots": the question is for what? lived for generation? for what? citizens with responsiblility to defend the country: xenophobia + unnecessary anxiety about foreign invasion and war. worst, he is pro-national security stuff, the worst justification for oppression

Rather disturbingly, the Burmese society under the misguidance of both the Burmese generals and the dissidents are sleep-walking into an ideological and societal space which come to resemble that of the Third Reich in the 1930s. 

One of the most misguided sentiments being actively pushed among the Buddhist communities across the country is 'defending Buddhism, Buddhist nation, Buddhist State' against the perceived and manufactured threats from Islam and Muslims. 

What does defending Buddhism mean? I don't understand it. And I don't think Gotama the Enlightened or Awakened One would understand that widely popular Burmese view either. 

For there is nothing to protect, from a Buddhist epistemological perspective.

If you are protecting something drop the word "Buddhist". For Buddhism needs no protection as it is supposed to be only an understanding of impersonal and immutable realities - like Death, Suffering, Birth, etc.


Click here to read my own analysis of the rising neo-Nazism in Burma Neo-Nazi Denial in Myanmar, Asia Times, 24 May 2013.

Myanmar's neo-Nazi Racism as both a Cultural Subconscious and a Governmental Policy

"According to our government, we don't have a policy of discrimination based on religion or race".
 -- Myanmar President and Ex-General Thein Sein, CNN Interview, 20 May 2013




One thing racist will never admit to is the fact that they ARE racist.

The same thing can be said of the genocidists and ethnocidists, that is, slaughterers of (other) peoples and masses masses and killers of ethno-cultures (as opposed to class cultures), respectfully.

In the case of the Rwanda genocide, some Tutsi would say 'they (Tutsi) just committed mass suicide'.

 

One of the most wonderful things about Burma's anti-Muslim racism is this:

the countrywide racists do not know, or admit to,the fact they are racists and that racism is sick, a mental and societal disease with dire consequences for the (ethic, cultural and religious) Other.

A racist may become aware of the fact that he or she is racist and that it's bad. But it is another matter whether or not he or she attempts to detox him- or herself.

Like a cancer racism is usually terminal.

Cancer may be cured and one may be cleared.

But racism is a harder internal mental and societal disease for which one (and the whole of society) needs to be placed on long-term remedial regime - such as anti-racism programs, changes in laws and institutional behavior, punitive and disciplinary regimes, intelligent attempts at genuine cultural transformation, public discussions and debates, etc. That's why, even the western-educated 'Myanmarese' with significant exposure to multicultrualist worldviews evidently succumb to Myanmar neo-Nazi racism.



Dr Yin Yin Nwe, the Cambridge-educated geologist, ex-daughter in law of the late dictator Ne Win, former country representative of UNICEF in China, President Thein Sein's Inquiry Commission member investigating the violence in Rakhine state, explaining why she endorses a version of eugenic, namely 'voluntary' population control of poor, un-educated Rohingya women whom she calls "Bengali", a popular and official racist reference to the Rohingyas of Burma,

The Voice of America Burmese (12 May 2013)

Even in societies such as the United States or United Kingdom, where the societies are incomparably socially enlightened and open for intellectual and ideological diversity than the place I used to call 'home', namely Burma, everyday practices and sentiments of racism persist.

Tragically for the subconsciously racist public of Burma their ruling elite and counter-elite are themselves suffering from a heavy strain of ethno-nationalist bigotry.




Neither Thein Sein nor Aung San Suu Kyi, nor the leading lights of the western donor-funded civil society seems to appreciate the cancerous cultural situation the society has found itself in, let alone confront both popular and institutionalized Racism.

Consequently, both popular and statist/governmental versions of racism this time have come to assume Fascist/Nazi characteristics.

Top 10 anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya Statements from Myanmar: Take your pick

Two Rohingya children terrorized, half-starved and perceived as "viruses and threats to Burma's national security" by the pro-democracy dissidents, civil society, Buddhist Order and the military state
A Rohingya child's pictorial memory of life in Rakhine State
A street scene in the Third Reich, 1930's
As chillingly reminiscent of the Third Reich and its Nazism, un-Buddhist, un-factual and ethnocidal as some may sound, these select statements are an accurate reflection of the sub-consciously neo-Nazi world of the ethnically dominant Burmese ruling elite and counter-elite who are forging ahead one grand coalition with their former jailers to turn Burma into 'the last Asian tiger' and build 'discipline flourishing democracy', apparently at the expense of religious and ethnic minorities who make up 40% of the population. 

Ironically, local Rakhines, generally widely disliked by both the Burmese public and the military, and the Rohingya Muslim, one of the world's 'most vulnerable' peoples, have been pitted against one another by the internally colonial State and Society in Burma, since 1940's.

1. Burma's Ambassador to the UN (Geneva)

Rohingya 'as ugly as ogres'

"In reality, Rohingya are neither Myanmar people nor Myanmar's ethnic group. It is quite different from what you have seen and read in the papers. (They are as ugly as ogres)."

- ex-Major Ye Myint Aung, then Consul General of Myanmar Consulate, Hong Kong and subsequent to sending his rather racist and derogatory written note to the UK-based diplomatic missions, was promoted to Ambassadorship in the UN, Geneva, 10 Feb 2009

2. President Thein Sein, the man and his office

2. A "According to our government, we don't have a policy of discriminating based on religion or race."

President Thein Sein, Interviewed by CNN'S AMANPOUR, 20 May 2013

2. B  “There is no Rohingya among our races. We have Bengalis who were brought to do farming during colonial days. Some of them settled.” He spoke approvingly of a 1982 law that has been used to deny them citizenship.


2. C "(I)t is impossible for Burma to accept people who are not ethnic to the country and who have entered illegally ... (and Myanmar is) “willing to send the Rohingyas to any third country that will accept them.”

Myanmar Government Official Statement out of President Thein Sein's office, 12 July 2012

2. D “The UN and other organizations have done what they should do. The [Rakhine-Rohingya] situation is moving in a positive direction. A report containing harsh accusations is un-constructive, and does not represent 60 million people.”

Sit Myaing, a former police colonel and a member of the Myanmar (official) Human Rights Commission


3. Madam Aung San Suu Kyi

3. A "I don't know".


3. B "She believes, in Burma, there is no Rohingya ethnic group".

Nyan Win, Aung San Suu Kyi's official spokesperson

4. "We, the 88 Generation, who fought for human rights for so many years, are unhappy about the HRW report. I feel that it is an insult to our nation. The main thing is that this is not an ethnic problem, it is the fact that the Rule of Law in Myanmar is so weak."

Min Zay Yar, a well-known former student leader from the 1988 student uprisings

5. Ko Ko Gyi, (considered by his peers as the "brain" of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group, a former international relations undergraduate student, Rangoon University, 1988)

5. A “Rohingya issue”—that is, the status of Arakan State’s Muslim minority — is essentially a matter of sovereignty. 

Ko Ko Gyi - 88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group

(paraphrased by Aung Zaw, Irrawaddy)

5. B "I will resign from this commission if it uses the word 'human rights' in association with these Bengali".

Ko Ko Gyi

(Personal phone conversation with Zarganar, the fellow commissioner on the Rakhine Sectarian Violence Inquiry Commission set up by President Thein Sein, Fall 2012)

5. C "The job of UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar Professor Tomas Quintana is to investigate human rights abuses. This (violence between the Rohingya and the Rakhine) is ethnic conflict. So, it's not really his job to examine the inter-ethnic violence."

Again, Ko Ko Gyi, to a group of international visitors who research on human rights atrocities in Western Burmese state of Rakhine or Arakan, Rangoon, the weekend of 27-28 Apr 2013

6. Major Zaw Htay, Thein Sein's official spokesperson 

"Although there are some who criticized [Myanmar] quoting the Human Rights Watch's report, [you can see] Myanmar has been praised recently for its human rights progress by the US which promotes human rights activities around the world."

Zaw Htay, the director for the President's Office on his Facebook page on April 22, 

7. Former Mae Sot, Thailand-based exile and human rights educator

“In such a sensitive situation, the use of the phrase ‘ethnic cleansing’ is unacceptable. Ethnic Cleansing means eliminating other ethnic groups. This is not the case [in Rakhine State].”

Aung Myo Min, Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB)

8. Presidential Inquiry Commissioners (Myanmar Genocide Whitewashers)

Myanmar Presidential Inquiry Commission on the Rakhine Sectarian Violence at the Western donor-funded Myanmar Peace Center (29 Apr 2013)

From left to right (Aung Naing Oo, Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing (Secretary and President Thein Sein's adviser), Dr Yin Yin Nwe (ex-daughter-in-law of the late despot General Ne Win), Ko Ko Gyi (88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group) and Zarganar
The following are the on-the-record statements/views of Presidential Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State.

(For my critique of this commission and its blatantly ethnocidal report, see my Myanmar whitewashes ethnic cleansing )

8. A Dr Myo Myint

"They (the "Bengalis" from across Bangladesh) are here already. We can't simply kick them out. What to do?"

Dr Myo Myint (PhD in History, Cornell), former lecturer of history at Mandalay University, retired Director-General, Religious Affairs Department (Ministry of Home Affairs), Chairman of the Rakhine Sectarian Violence Presidential Inquiry Commission, 17 Aug 2013 (YouTube)

8. B Dr Myo Myint

"You don't need to report to the President about the situation on a regular basis. The security and welfare of those people ("Bengali") are not our commission's responsibility". 

Dr Myo Myint, a recorded phone conversation with one of the Muslim Commissioners who was fired, arrested and later released by the Special Branch, 2 days prior to his arrest in November 2012 

{Compiler's note: I listened to the 10-minute recorded conversation earlier this month, and with absolute certainty I can verify that it was THE voice of Dr Myo Myint, my old history tutor at Mandalay University (1982)}

8. C Dr Yin Yin Nwe

"These un-educated Bengali women procreate like mad. On average one woman has about 10-12 children, and men are allowed to have more than 1 wife. I even told them I have only 1 child and even then the cost of education is quite expensive. Because of this population explosion, now 90-plus % of Buthidaung and Maung Daw population is made up of Bengali and only about 5-6 percent are Rakhine and Bama. So, think for yourself who is a majority here and who is minority. That's why, we proposed population control - albeit on a voluntary basis."

Dr Yin Yin Nwe, (PhD Geology, Cambridgae), ex-daughter in law of the late dictator Ne Win, Thein Sein's gem stones adviser, member of the Presidential Inquiry Commission on the Rakhine Sectarian Violence Commission, the Voice of America Burmese TV Interview, 12 May 2013

{Compiler's remark: With this single interview she has become an instant celebrity extremely popular with the Burmese YouTube viewers and social media virtual public, both inside Burma and in diaspora}

8. D Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Secretary and Presidential Adviser

"It's untrue to say that our government is not doing anything. We are doing interfaith dialogues among Buddhist and Muslim leaders in Rakhine and Rangoon. We surveyed about 2,000 people in Western Burma. There is a lot of hatred there". 

Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing (PhD in Government, Cornell), former student of Commission Chairman Dr Myo Myint and himself, Secretary of the Presidential Inquiry Commission on sectarian violence in Rakhine 

(It was in response to a question by a Burmese Muslim retiree U Win Aung from the Voice of America and the Burmese Broadcasting Service regarding the situation which Human Rights Watch characterizes as "ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity" of the Rohingya of Western Burmese state of Rakhine, the Voice of America Burmese service townhall meeting with President Thein Sein, Washington, DC, 19 May 2013).

8. E Zarganar (a.k.a Dr Thura), a key commissioner member who knew a lot of purposely and verifiably false statements were inserted into the government official inquiry commission report, but he chose to endorse it publicly.

"This is a made-up report (that is, the damning report of the Human Rights Watch on ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in Burma)". 


Dr Thura or better known as Zarganar is the country's best known political comedian and recipient of many human rights awards, film educator and 4-times political prisoner, a key member of the aforementioned inquiry commission and a member of the political prisoners verification committee - in reference to Human Rights Watch's damning report indicting the State, its leadership and institutions in the organized mass violence against the Rohingya in the two bouts of violence in June and Oct 2012. (see the report here: http://www.hrw.org/reports/2013/04/22/all-you-can-do-pray-0)

9. The Rakhine Voices

9. A “This is unfair. Our party does not accept the statement at all. All the local people in Rakhine State know the incidents from A to Z. The violence did not occur racially or religiously. It happened between those who want to seize the territory and those who want to defend that territory. Ethnic cleansing is not the matter of that issue.”

Aung Mya Kyaw, Rakhine State Parliament MP Aung Mya Kyaw of Rakhine Nationalities Development Party in reference to Human Rights Watch's report "All You can Do is Pray: Ethnic Cleansing and Crimes against Humanity against the Rohingya of Western Burma", 22 April 2013

9. B “I don’t know whether the HRW’s wording is linked to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. We will say that their use of term ‘Rohingya’ is wrong.” 

"We don't have Rohingyas in our country. We can only say that they are Bangladeshi or foreign Bengalis. Now, the words used by this group have reached the level of hurting the country and its people. [They] often kept saying ethnic cleaning. Actually, it's not a racial or religious issue. It's called communal violence… Politically, it includes competition of groups living inside the country and abroad. We have been living together with Muslims since a long time ago and we didn't have any problems. The group will know if they come [to Myanmar]".

Dr U Maung, vice chairman of the Araken League for Democracy

9. C "We have to restore Rakhine villages (to the pre-Bengali period). We need to take inspiration from Israel and model our restoration (of Rakhine State only for the Rakhine) from Israel."

MP Aye Maung, Chairman of the Rakine National Development Party, in his interview with Burma's local news magazine - Venus News, Current Politics section, 14 Aug 2012

9. D "How can it be ethnic cleansing? They are not an ethnic group".

Mr Win Myaing, Rakhine State Government Spokesperson, quoted in Reuters, 15 May 2013

10. The Venerable Wirathu, New Ma-soe-yein Teaching Buddhist Monastery

"Whatever (the Muslims) do they do it with their 'national' Muslim interests in mind. They have designs against our country, our faith and our society. They now have monopoly over the construction sector in Rangoon. They have come to dominate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. Even she is only riding the niggers' cars. All these national dissidents such as Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Ko Naing dare not speak a word about the Rakhine Crisis (during which our brethen Rakhine are suffering at the hands of the Bangali). Our national political emblem has been replaced by the Islam's symbol of beards! They are the worst violators of human rights and religious freedom. So, you Buddhist lay public must do everything with the (anti-Muslim) nationalist ethos. Only do business and socially interact with those who embrace 969 ethos of economic boycott and societal exclusion and ostracism against the (Muslim) enemy".

An Honest Look at Obama and Thein Sein Meeting


1) What do you make of Mr Thein Sein's statements about the role of the military, the need to end communal violence and the call for a new national identity?


2) What do you make of Mr Obama's statement acknowledging Mr Thein Sein's efforts and that that Myanmar is set to release more political prisoners?

3) Do you think this visit will provide support for Mr Thein Sein against the opponents of political reform? Why or why not?




 On Thein Sein's Presidential Words and deeds

Thein Sein is a provable world class liar, and on many topics it will be downright stupid to take his presidential words at face value.

Take one concrete and fresh example: in his recent Washington Post interview, Thein Sein repeated his government's official and institutionalzied liethat the Rohingya are not an ethnic group, but Bangali migrant laborers brought to Western Burma under the British rule. He just ignored the mountain of evidence to the contrary.

Last year, Thein Sein changed his tune on the violence against the Rohingya at least 4 times in a span of 4 months, from telling the UNHCR to in effect help expel and resettle 800,000 of them to a third country or build UN-financed apartheid camps in Burma to saying most of them are NOT illegal migrants, but our people.


On the military's 'eternal' role in Burma's national politics and institutions of democratic power


On the issue of the role of the military in Burma, it isn't simply the case of lying with a straight face, unlike the Rohingya ethnocide, but a case of deluded institutional memory. The consensus view among the Burmese public of all ethnic and religious background is that the Burmese military which primarily functions as the indispensable instrument of generals' power and wealth for the last 50 years is a national disgrace and a categorical failure as nation-builders. In contrast, Thein Sein and his brothers in the military have deluded themselves into thinking that the military is a proud national institutional that has played the most positive role in the developments of Burma as a post-independence nation-state.

The most popular joke among the Burmese is that their greatest worry is not even when the next meal will come from, but that they will be 'saved' by the military, again. The last two times the generals claimed they had saved Burma on the verge of ruins in 1962 and 1988, things have gone from bad to worse.

Number one obstacle and daunting challenge Burma faces is the military's institutionalized delusions and self-perception that they are a cut above the rest of the society and that they are building a modern 'discipline flourishing' democracy.

Not even raging and/or simmering civil wars in the borderlands or not even neo-Nazi "Buddhist" violence against the Rohingya and the Burmese Muslims comes close to this major obstacle.
On the need to end communal violence

Two major problems with Thein sein's continued framing of the mass violence against the Rohingyas and Burmese Muslims is: 1) such framing shields his government from credible allegations and investigative news reports coming from independent sources such as the UN officials as well as respectable human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch that the officials and state security organizations themselves are both directly and indirectly involved in the mass violence; and 2) his government which knows for a fact who really is behind these well-organized and coordinated violence against these vulnerable Muslim Rohingya and Muslim minorities, but has not identified these masterminds publicly nor have reigned in in any way, shape or form. For it is because these 'dark forces' are part of Myanmar's military-crony complex, and Thein Sein himself is powerless to touch them.



On the need for a new national identity


Burma does need a new national identity that moves away from the current blood-based Nazi view towards a view that anyone who buried their umbilical chord on Burma's soil as "Tai-yin-tha", or the Burmese equivalent of "Bumiputra". Multiculturalism and multiethnic society as both a reality and an ideal are certainly not alien to Burma, whether from our national origin 1,000 years ago when the courts officially used multiple languages and were made up of all different 'ethnic' peoples. As a matter of fact, the late Aung San considered the father of independence and the new Union of Burma defined the Burmeseness along secular, civic, all-inclusive nationalist lines. To him "Bumiputra" as anyone born in Burma and wished to live and work for the common good of the country. The deceitful Burmese politicians and generals alike butchered this multiculturalist ideal after Aung San's assassination in 1947, and since then the Burmese have been operating with a neo-Nazi "Buddhist" identity - based on blood and faith - and walking backwards towards the stone age.

On Obama's statement about Myanmar's release and plans to release more political prisoners

Well, Obama's main concerns regarding Burma and Thein Sein's visits are not political prisoners, the well-being of the Burmese public, peace in Burma or the ethnic and religious conflicts. The US foreign policy has become typically about containing China's rising power and influence, commercial interests of US corporations and American cronies on the Wall Street and the Pentagon's attempts to maintain its military dominance in the world. In a word, Obama is all about late US imperialism in the face of economic decay at home and the felt threats to American primacy from the rising alternative centers of power such as China.

Plus the Chief Authorizer of Guatenanomo Bay and CIA torture chambers around the world Obama is not the man known for his concerns for Burmese political prisoners, their freedom or well-being.

Everyone remotely familiar with the past records of Burma's military and semi-military leaderships know perfectly well that political prisoners are nothing but bargaining chips and public relations tools used by the Burmese generals and ex-generals. Nothing more, nothing less.




On the impact of Thein Sein's visit

Thein Sein is nothing but a smooth-talking figure head, a good liar among more crude and crass liars in the military's inner circle. Yes, there are elements in the inner and outer circles of Naypyidaw's ruling clique. But they are all united, more or less, in one thing: perpetuating the un-rivaled controlled over the economy, politics and society in the ways that primarily advance the military's core interests as well as that of personal interests of the military and ex-military leaders.

On most matters, Thein Sein is powerless and cannot do anything without the backing of both key military and economic players in Burma's emerging military-crony complex.

So, I don't really think his US visit makes any difference in terms of his power vis-a-vis that of his rivals in the regime's power structure. He is simply the military's propaganda facade. When he brings goodies home from important trips abroad they will all share the spoils. But if he makes promises that are against the military's designs against the ethnic peoples or the mainstream society the military, which is the real power behind the new facade, simply ignores and undermines Thein Sein's presidential powers.

Zarni's Interview on Thamizh Aazhi Magazine in Tamil Language


Page No. 42 to 48 is Zarni's interview (in English but here translated into Tamil) about the rise of neo-Nazism in Burma towards the Rohingya and other Muslims.